Dear Marx,

A whole lot of things I wanted to write about privately have found their way into the business letter because that was the one I wrote first. No matter if the others read the rubbish for once.

Hitherto I have rather dreaded setting to work on the extracts from Feuerbach. Here in Paris the stuff strikes one as utterly insipid. But now that I've got the book [Feuerbach, Das Wesen der Religion] at home, I shall apply myself to it at the earliest opportunity. Weydemeyer’s sweet nonsense is touching. The fellow first declares that he wants to draft a manifesto in which he pronounces us blackguards and then expresses the hope that this won’t give rise to personal differences. Even in Germany such a thing would only be possible on the Hanoverian-Prussian border.

That you should still be in financial straits is abominable. I know of no publisher for our manuscripts [manuscripts for the quarterly, including that of The German Ideology] other than Leske who, while negotiations are proceeding, must be kept in the dark about our criticism of his firm. Löwenthal will certainly not take it. He has turned down, on all manner of rotten pretexts, a very good proposition from Bernays (a life of the old man here [Louis Philippe] in 2 volumes, the first to be printed forthwith and issued the moment the old man dies, the second to follow immediately afterwards). He’s also a coward and maintains he might be expelled from Frankfurt. Bernays has a prospect of acceptance by Brockhaus, who believes, of course, that the book is written in a bourgeois spirit.

Have the Westphalians [J. Meyer and R. Rempel] sent the manuscripts to Daniels?

And have you had any further details about the Cologne scheme? Hess wrote about it, you know.[93]

But Lüning’s rubbish is the most ludicrous of all. One can almost visualise the fellow as he daringly looses a hypocritical turd into his trousers. If we criticise them for their general baseness, [Marx and Engels, Circular Against Kriege] the noble fellow declares this to be ‘self-criticism’.[94] But soon these chaps will experience in their own persons the truth of the saying:

‘And if the noble fellow has no burn, on what does he propose to sit?'
[Goethe, Totalität]

And Westphalia seems gradually to be coming to realise that it has no bum or, in Moses’ [Hess] parlance, no ‘material basis’ for its communism.

Püttmann was not so wrong, where I am concerned, when he said that the people in Brussels were collaborating on Prometheus. Hear how cunningly this good-for-nothing set about it. Being also in need of money, I wrote to him suggesting that at last he fork out the fee he had owed me for so long.[95] The fellow answered that as to the fee for the first essay which he had printed in the Bürgerbuch, [Engels, Description of Recently Founded Communist Colonies Still in Existence] he had instructed Leske to pay it to me (naturally not yet to hand), but so far as the one for the second essay in the second of the Rheinische Jahrbücher [Engels, The Festival of Nations in London] was concerned, — he had already received it from the publisher but, since the German soi-disant [so-called] communists had left him, big P, together with his other big P, Prometheus, most shamefully in the lurch — he, P No. 1, had been compelled to use the fees (including those due to Ewerbeck, etc.) for the printing of P No. 2 and would not be able to pay us same for another x weeks. Fine fellows, if you don’t give them a manuscript, they keep the money. In such a manner does one become one of the Prometheus collaborators and shareholders.

Yesterday evening, when I was with the workers here, I read the ‘London Address’ already in print.[96] Trash. They address themselves to the ‘people’, i.e. the presumed proletarians in Schleswig-Holstein which is haunted exclusively by loutish, Low-German peasants and guildish Straubingers.[86] They have learnt from the English this nonsense, this total disregard for actual circumstances, this inability to comprehend an historical development. Instead of answering the question, they want the ‘people’ — who, in their sense of the word, don’t exist at all there — to disregard it and behave peacefully and passively; it doesn’t occur to them that the bourgeoisie continues to do as it likes. Except for the denigration of the bourgeoisie, which is somewhat superfluous and entirely at odds with their conclusions (and for which free-trade catchwords could equally well be substituted), the thing could have been the work of London’s free-trade press, which does not want to see Schleswig-Holstein enter the Customs Union.[97]

That Julius is in the pay of the Prussians and writes for Rother has already been hinted at in the German papers.[98] Bourgeois [Heinrich Burgers], who was so delighted with his noble works, according to d'Ester, will be pleased when he hears of it.

A propos Schleswig-Holstein, the day before yesterday the Coachman [Georg Weber] wrote to Ewerbeck in 3 lines that caution should now be exercised in the matter of letters, since everything is being opened by the Danes. He believes that it could come to armed action.

Dubito [I doubt it], but it’s good that the old Dane [Christian VIII] should so rudely harry the Schleswig-Holsteiners.[99] By the way, did you read the famous poem ‘Schleswig-Holstein, Sea-girt Land’, in the Rheinischer Beobachter? [M. F. Chemnitz, ‘Schleswig-Holsteinische Bundeslied’, Rheinischer Beobachter, 16 Sept. 1846. Engels parodies the song] I can’t possibly remember the words, but it goes something like this:

Schleswig-Holstein, of like stock sprung, Schleswig-Holstein, sea-girt land,
Schleswig-Holstein, German tongue, — Schleswig-Holstein German strand,
Schleswig-Holstein, to action stung, Schleswig-Holstein, fiery brand,
Schleswig-Holstein, hardly wrung, Schleswig-Holstein, make a stand,
Schleswig-Holstein, lustily sung, ‘Schleswig-Holstein, may Danes be banned.
Schleswig-Holstein, loudly rung, ‘Schleswig-Holstein’, throughout th’ land!
Schleswig-Holstein, strong of lung, Schleswig-Holstein, weak of hand,
Schleswig-Holstein, loutish young, Schleswig-Holstein, beastly band.

Schleswig-Holstein, of like stock sprung; Keep troth, O Fatherland, is how the drivel ends. It’s a ghastly song, worthy of being sung by the Dithmarschen,[100] who in turn are worthy of being besung by Püttmann.

The Cologne bourgeois are bestirring themselves. They have issued a protest [Kölnische Zeitung, 10 Sept. 1846] against the gentlemen of the Ministry, which is the most a German citizen can do.[101] The poor Berlin pulpit-drubber [Frederick William IV]! He’s at loggerheads with every municipal council in his kingdom; first the Berlin theological controversy,[102] then the Breslau ditto, now the Cologne business. The rascal, by the way, is the spitting image of James I of England, whom he really seems to have taken for his model. No doubt, like the latter, he too will shortly start burning witches.

I did Proudhon a really crying injustice in my business letter. Since there was no room in this last letter, I must make amends here. For I believed he had perpetrated a trifling nonsense, a nonsense within the bounds of sense. Yesterday the matter came up again and was discussed at great length, and it was then I learned that this new nonsense is in truth wholly unbounded nonsense. Imagine: Proletarians are to save in the form of small shares. This will enable the initial building (needless to say no start can be made with fewer than 10,000-20,000 workers) of one or more workshops devoted to one or more trades, some of the shareholders to be occupied there and the products to be sold, 1) to the shareholders (who thus have no profit to pay for) at the price of the raw material plus labour, and 2) any surplus to be sold on the world market at the current price. As the association’s capital is increased by new shareholders joining or by new savings of the old ones, this will be used for building new workshops and factories and so on and so forth, until all the proletarians are employed, all the country’s productive forces have been bought up, thereby depriving the capital still in bourgeois hands of the power to command labour and produce profit! Thus capital is abolished by ‘finding an authority under which capital, i.e. the interest system’ (Grünification of the erstwhile drott d'aubaine,[103] brought somewhat closer to the light of day) ‘so to speak disappears.’ In this sentence, repeated countless times by Papa Eisermann, hence learned by rote from Grün, you will readily discern a glimmering of the original Proudhonian flourishes. By dint of proletarian savings, and by waiving the profit and interest on their capital, these people intend, for the present, to buy up the whole of France, no more nor less, and later, perhaps, the rest of the world as well. Was ever more splendid plan devised, and if you want to perform a tour de force, what quicker way than to coin five franc pieces out of silver moonshine? And the workers here, fools that they are — the Germans, I mean — believe this rubbish, they who can’t keep six sous in their pockets to visit a marchand de vin on the evenings of their meetings, propose to buy up toute la belle France with their savings. Rothschild and company are mere dabblers compared with these mighty accapareurs [buyers-up]. It’s enough to make anyone throw a fit. Grün has so confused the fellows that the most nonsensical platitude makes more sense to them than the simplest fact adduced for the purpose of economic argument. It is disgraceful that one should still have to pit oneself against such barbaric nonsense. But one must be patient, and I shall not let the fellows go until I have driven Grün from the field and have swept the cobwebs from their brains. The only fellow clear-headed enough to see through the whole nonsense is our lunge who was in Brussels. Ewerbeck, too, has crammed the fellows’ heads with the most crackbrained stuff. You've no idea what desperate confusion the fellow is in; at times he verges on madness, being unable to tell you today what he saw with his own eyes, let alone heard, yesterday. To show to what extent he has been under Grün’s thumb, it need only be said that when last winter Walthr, of Trier,[104] was complaining to all and sundry about the censors, Grün represented him as a martyr to the censorship, one who was waging the noblest and bravest of battles, etc., and induced Ewerbeck and the workers to draw up and sign a highly pompous address to this jackass, Walthr, thanking him for his heroism in the struggle for freedom of speech!!!! Ewerbeck is hanging his head in shame and is furiously angry with himself; but the stupidity has been done, and now it’s a question of knocking out of him and the workers the few platitudes he has dinned into his own head with toil and sweat before drumming same into the workers with no less toil and sweat. For he understands nothing until he has learnt it by rote and even then usually misunderstands it. If he were not so tremendously well-intentioned, besides being such an amiable chap — more so now than ever before, — there would be absolutely nothing doing with him. I can’t help wondering how I manage to get on with him; sometimes he makes quite apposite remarks, only to relapse at once into some colossal inanity — as, for instance, in his divinely inspired lectures on German history, whose every word is so beset with howlers and follies that it’s difficult not to burst out laughing. But, as already mentioned, tremendous zeal and remarkable readiness to join in everything with imperturbable good humour and self-mockery. I like the fellow better than ever, in spite of his silliness.

There is little to be said about Bernays. I have been out there several times and he here once. Coming here probably this winter, only short of money. Westphalians sent him 200 francs by way of a bribe; he accepted the money, but naturally did nothing further about it. Weydemeyer had offered him the money previously; he writes to say he must have 2,000 francs, otherwise it won’t be any use to him. I told him what the Westphalians’ answer would be — that they were unable to turn anything into liquid cash etc., and so it literally was. In token of his gratitude he is keeping the 200 francs. He is living quite happily, makes no secret to anyone of his whole calamitous story, is on quite happy terms with other people, lives like a peasant, works in the garden, eats well, sleeps, I suspect, with a peasant girl, and has also ceased to parade his sorrows. He is even coming to entertain more lucid and sensible views about party disputes, although, whenever something of the kind occurs, he likes to imagine himself more or less in the role of a Camille Desmoulins, and is generally unsuited to be a party man; there’s no arguing with him about his legal opinions because he always tries to break off with the objection that economy, industry, etc., is not his subject and, on the rare occasions we meet, no proper discussion takes place. I think, however, that I have already succeeded in partly breaching his Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire defences and, if he comes here, I shall probably be able to cure him finally of his misapprehensions.

What is everyone doing there?

Your

Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Fear of death and desire for immortality.

Although beliefs of this kind are common during childhood they are usually dropped or are modified as the individual becomes older and more experienced. In Hitler's case, however, the reverse has taken place. The conviction became stronger as he grew older until, at the present time, it is the core of his thinking. Under these circumstances, we must suppose that some powerful psychological stream continued to nourish these infantile modes of thought. This psychological stream is probably, as it is in many other cases, a fear of death. It seems logical to suppose that in the course of his early deliberations on the deaths of his brothers his first conclusion was probably that all the others die and that consequently he too would die. His fear would not be allayed by his mother's constant concern over his well-being, which he may have interpreted as an indication that the danger was imminent. Such a conclusion would certainly be a valid one for a child to make under the circumstances.

The thought of his own death, however, is almost unbearable to a small child. Nothing is quite so demoralizing as the constant dread of self-annihilation. It gnaws away day and night and prevents him from enjoying the good things that life affords. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

To rid himself of this devastating fear becomes his major objective. This is not easily accomplished, especially when all available evidence seems to corroborate the validity of the fear. In order to offset its potency he is almost driven to deny its reality by adopting the belief that he is of divine origin and that Providence is protecting him from all harm. Only by use of such a technique is the child able to convince himself that, he will not die. We must also remember that in Hitler's case there was not only the unusual succession of deaths of siblings, but there was also the constant menace of his father's brutality which helped make the fear more intense than in most children. This danger could easily be exaggerated in Hitler's mind due to a sense of guilt concerning his feelings towards his respective parents and what his father might do to him if he discovered his secret. These feelings would tend to increase his fear of death at the same time that they caused him to reject his father. Both tendencies would serve to nourish the belief that he was of divine origin and was under its protection.

It is my belief that this basic fear of death is still present and active in Hitler's character at the present time. As time goes on and he approaches the age when he might reasonably expect to die, this infantile fear asserts itself more strongly. As a mature, intelligent man he knows that the law of nature is such that his physical self is destined to die. He is still not able, however, to accept the fact that he as an individual, his psyche, will also die. It is this element in his psychological structure which demands that he become immortal. Most people are able to take the sting out of this fear of death through religious beliefs in life after death, or through the feeling that a part of them, at least, will continue to go on living in their children. In Hitler's, case, both of these normal channels have been closed and he has been forced to seek immortality in a more direct form. He must arrange to go on living in the German people for at least a thousand years to come. In order to do this, he must oust Christ as a competitor and usurp his place in the lives of the German people.

In addition to evidence drawn from experience with patients which would make this hypothesis tenable, we have the evidence afforded by Hitler's own fears and attitudes. We have discussed these in detail in Section IV. Fear of assassination, fear of poisoning, fear of premature death, etc., all deal with the problem of death in an uncamouflaged form. One can, of course, maintain that in view or his position all these fears are more or less justified. There is certainly some truth in this contention but we also notice that as time goes on these fears have increased considerably until now they have reached the point where the precautions for his own safety far exceed those of any of his predecessors. As long as he could hold a plebescite every now and then and reassure himself that the German people loved him and wanted him, he felt better. Now that this is no longer possible, he has no easy way of curbing the fear and his uncertainty in the future becomes greater. There can be little doubt concerning his faith in the results of the plebescites. He was firmly convinced that the 98% vote, approving his actions, really represented the true feelings of the German people. He believed this because he needed such reassurance from time to time in order to carry on with a fairly easy mind and maintain his delusions.

When we turn to his fear of cancer we find no justification whatever for his belief, especially in view of the fact that several outstanding specialists in this disease have assured him that it is without foundation. Nevertheless, it is one of his oldest fears and he continues to adhere to it in spite of all the expert testimony to the contrary. This fear becomes intelligible when we remember that his mother died following an operation for cancer of the breast. In connection with his fear of death we must not forget his terrifying nightmares from which he awakes in a cold sweat and acts as though he were being suffocated. If our hypothesis is correct, namely, that a fear of death is one of the powerful unconscious streams which drive Hitler on in his mad career, then we can expect that as the war progresses and as he becomes older the fear will continue to increase. With the progress of events along their present course, it will be more and more difficult for him to feel that his mission is fulfilled and that he has successfully cheated death and achieved immortality in the German people. Nevertheless, we can expect him to keep on trying to the best of his ability as long as a ray of hope remains. The great danger is that if he feels that he cannot achieve immortality as the Great Redeemer he may seek it as the Great Destroyer who will live on in the minds of the German people for a thousand years to come. He intimated this in a conversation with Rauschning when he said:

"We shall not capitulate -- no, never. We may be destroyed, but if we are, we shall drag a world with us--a world in flames."

With him, as with many others of his type, it may well be a case of immortality of any kind at any price.

Sexual development.

Closely interwoven with several of the themes which have already been elaborated is the development of his sexual life. From what we know about his mother's excessive cleanliness and tidiness we may assume that she employed rather stringent measures during the toilet training period of her children. This usually results in a residual tension in this area and is regarded by the child as a severe frustration which arouses feelings of hostility. This facilitates an alliance with his infantile aggression which finds an avenue for expression through anal activities and fantasies. These usually center around soiling, humiliation and destruction, and form the basis of a sadistic character.

Here, again, we may assume that the experience was more intense in Hitler's case than in the average due to the strong attachment and spoiling of his mother in early infancy. Unaccustomed to minor frustrations which most children must learn to endure, prior to the toilet training, he was poorly equipped to deal with this experience which plays an important role in the life of all infants. Even now, as an adult, we find Hitler unable to cope with frustrating experiences on a mature level. That a residual tension from this period still exists in Hitler is evidenced by the frequency of imagery in his speaking and writing which deal with dung and dirt and smell. A few illustrations may help to clarify his unconscious preoccupation with these subjects.

"You don't understand: we are just passing a magnet over a dunghill, and we shall see presently how much iron was in the dunghill and has clung to the magnet." (By 'dunghill' Hitler meant the German people.)

"And when he (the Jew) turns the treasures over in his hand they are transformed into dirt and dung."

"...Ones hands hands seize slimy jelly; it slips through one's fingers only to collect again in the next moment." Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

"Charity is sometimes actually comparable to the manure which is spread on the field, not out of love for the latter, but out of precaution for one's own benefit later on."

"...dragged into the dirt and filth of the lowest depths."

"Later the smell of these caftan wearers made me ill. Added to this were their dirty clothes and their none too heroic appearance."

"...The rottenness of artificially nurtured conditions of peace has more than once stunk to high heaven."

His libidinal development, however, was not arrested at this point but progressed to the genital level at which the Oedipus complex, already referred to, developed. This complex, as we have seen, was aggravated by his mother's pregnancy at precisely the age when the complex normally reaches its greatest intensity. In addition to accentuating his hatred for his father and estranging him from his mother, we can assume that this event at this particular time served to generate an abnormal curiosity in him. He, like all children at this age, must have wondered how the unborn child got into the mother's stomach and how it was going to get out.

These three reactions have all played an important part in Hitler's psychosexual development. It would seem from the evidence that his aggressive fantasies towards the father reached such a point that he became afraid of the possibility of retaliation if his secret desires were discovered. The retaliation he probably feared was that his father would castrate him or injure his genital capacity in some way - a fear which is later expressed in substitute form in his syphilophobia. Throughout MEIN KAMPF he comes back to the topic of syphilis again and again and spends almost an entire chapter describing its horrors. In almost all cases we find that a fear of this sort is rooted in a fear of genital injury during childhood. In many cases this fear was so overpowering that the child abandoned his genital sexuality entirely and regressed to earlier stages of libidinal development. In order to maintain these repressions later in life he uses the horrors of syphilis as a justification for his unconscious fear that genital sexuality is dangerous for him, and also as a rationalization for his avoidance of situations in which his earlier desires might be aroused.

In abandoning the genital level of libidinal development the individual becomes impotent as far as heterosexual relations are concerned. It would appear, from the evidence, that some such process took place during Hitler's early childhood. Throughout his early adult life, in Vienna, in the Army, in Munich, in Landesberg, no informant has reported a heterosexual relationship. In fact, the informants of all these periods make a point of the fact that he had absolutely no interest in women or any contact with them. Since he has come to power his peculiar relationship to women has been so noticeable that many writers believe that he is asexual. Some have surmised that he suffered a genital injury during the last war, others that he is homosexual. The former hypothesis, for which there is not a shred of real evidence, is almost certainly false. The second hypothesis we will examine later on.

The diffusion of the sexual instinct.

When a regression of this kind take [sic] place the sexual instinct usually becomes diffuse and many organs which have yielded some sexual stimulation in the past become permanently invested with sexual significance. The eyes, for example, may become a substitute sexual organ and seeing then takes on a sexual significance. This seems to have happened in Hitler's case for a number of informants have commented on his delight in witnessing strip-tease and nude dancing numbers on the stage. On such occasions he can never see enough to satisfy him even though he uses opera glasses in order to observe more closely. Strip-tease artists are frequently invited to the Brown House, in Munich, to perform in private and there is evidence that he often invites girls to Berchtesgaden for the purpose of exhibiting their bodies. On his walls are numerous pictures of obscene nudes which conceal nothing and he takes particular delight in looking through a collection of pornographic pictures which Hoffmann has made for him. We also know the extreme pleasure he derives from huge pageants, circus performances, opera, and particularly the movies of which he can never get enough. He has told informants that he gave up flying not only because of the danger involved but because he could not see enough of the country. For this reason, automobile travel is his favorite form of transportation. From all of this it is evident that seeing has a special sexual significance for him. This probably accounts for his "hypnotic glance" which has been the subject of comment by so many writers. Some have reported that at their first meeting Hitler fixated them with his eyes as if "to bore through them." It is also interesting that when the other person meets his stare, Hitler turns his eyes to the ceiling and keeps them there during the interview. Then, too, we must not forget that in the moment of crisis his hysterical attack manifested itself in blindness.

In addition to the eyes, the anal region has also become highly sexualised and both faeces and buttocks become sexual objects. Due to early toilet training, certain inhibitions have been set up which prevent their direct expression. However, we find so many instances of imagery of this kind, particularly in connection with sexual topics, that we must assume that this area has unusual sexual significance. The nature of this significance we will consider in a moment.

The mouth, too, seems to have become invested as an erogenous zone of great importance. Few authors or informants have neglected to mention Hitler's peculiar dietary habits. He consumes tremendous quantities of sweets, candies, cakes, whipped cream, etc., in the course of a day in addition to his vegetable diet. On the other hand, he refuses to eat meat, drink beer or smoke, all of which suggest certain unconscious inhibitions in this area. In addition, he has a pathological fear of poisoning by mouth, and has shown an obsessional preoccupation at times with mouth washing. These suggest a reaction formation or defense against an unacceptable tendency to take something into his mouth or get something out which from one point of view appears to be disgusting. In this connection we must not forget his resolve to starve himself to death after the failure of the Beer Hall Putsch, his hysterical mutism at the end of the last war, and his love of speaking. The significance of these we shall consider later on. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Most humble letter of thanks
of F. Engels, who has most graciously been awarded
the Order of the Yellow Envelope
Your Ladyship! Most respected Fräulein!

Your most obedient servant, whom Your Ladyship has most graciously condescended to invest most undeservedly with the Order of the Yellow Envelope, fails not most humbly to lay his most devoted thanks at Your Most Noble Highness’ exalted feet.

Nor could the same most obedient servant fail to admire the supreme grace with which Your Most Noble Highness allowed the covering note to reach Your most submissive servant open and accessible to all the world [I received your letter open. The wretched wafer had come off.-Note by Engels] so that everybody could convince himself of the lofty favour which Your Exalted gentleness and comprehensive wisdom have condescended to accord to me.

In conclusion, in most profound submission before Your Most Noble Highness, Your humble and most obedient servant commends himself to Your most gracious memory.

Fr. Engels

Bremen, Dec. 6, 1840

Dear Marie,

To fall out of the style which I chose for the first page of this letter, I am not in the least grateful to you for the poor wafers with which you seal your letters and which come off halfway. It is all the same to me which Order of the Envelope you want to honour me with, but for goodness’ sake stick a proper seal on them so that the thing does not come apart by the time it gets to Mainz. The day before yesterday, or was it yesterday, I am not sure, it was Anna [Engels]’s birthday, I celebrated it yesterday in Schwachhausen with a cup of coffee, cost me six groats, is that not brotherly love? Last Saturday week, when I became 20, I celebrated my birthday with a toothache and a swollen cheek, which was fiendishly painful. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire You will also have heard that Napoleon’s body has arrived in France, hey, that is going to be a row! I wish I were in Paris now, what fun! Do you read the newspaper? Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Did you believe there was going to be a war? What do you think of the Guizot-Soult Ministry? Do you also sing the bad song: “They shall not have it"? while, if you have good eyes, you can see the French border on the other side of the Rhine. We now have fencing lessons, I fence four times a week, today at midday too. On the other side of the page you can see how I lay about me.

It was high time your ladyship wrote to me at last; it has gone on long enough, Mamsell. But I'll forgive you your great crimes and tell you something. Tomorrow it will be two weeks since we rode out to Delmenhorst. This is a small Oldenburg country town with a menagerie, so called because the people of Oldenburg and Bremen are always going there, and when we had seen it, we rode back — and came home, you think? Yes, but after several adventures. In the first place, I sat half the way in the carriage and when we reached the place where I was to pick up my horse again, the riders had not yet arrived and so we had to go in, drink bad beer and smoke bad cigars. Finally, the riders turned up and by now it was eight o'clock and pitch dark. Once I had found my horse we rode on, paid the gate toll and rode through Neustadt. Then round the corner and riding directly at us came eight drummers beating a tattoo, all in a row, and our horses jumped about all over the place. The drummers beat louder and louder, and the noble street arabs of Bremen shouted, so that we soon got separated from one another. R. Roth and I were the first to find each other again, and we rode on to the other end of the town where we had to pay toll again because the philistine who hires out horses lives just outside the gate. Here we met the others, whose horses Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire had run away with them, and we then made for home and had to pay toll a third time. Isn’t that an interesting story? You won’t be able to deny it, especially when you hear that since it was too late to eat at home, I went into the Club, ate beefsteak and eggs and heard a very entertaining conversation which was going on near me, about young dogs and dead cats. Indeed, very interesting, very amusing. I am now at the Club, which is the same kind of place as the Concordia or institute for improvement in Barmen. The best thing about it is the many newspapers — Dutch, English, American, French, German, Turkish and Japanese. This gave me the opportunity to learn Turkish and Japanese, Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire so I now understand 25 languages. All this is, of course, of the greatest interest to a young lady who wants to go to a boarding-school in Mannheim. Jacob Schmitt was here too, and he will he back again next week and will go to the wine cellar with me. That is undoubtedly the best institution in Bremen. We also have a theatre again, but I haven’t been there yet.

My dear William,

Today is May 24, and still not a line from any of you. You are again qualifying for non-receipt of poems. I don’t understand you. Nevertheless, you shall have contributions on present-day literature.

Collected Works of Ludwig Börne. Vols. 1 and 2. Dramaturgische Blätter. — Börne, the great fighter for freedom and justice, is concerned here with questions of aesthetics. And here too he is in his element; what he says is so precise and clear, coming from such a true feeling for beauty and demonstrated so convincingly, that there can be no question of contradiction. It is all flooded in a sea of the most exuberant wit, and here and there, the firm and sharp ideas of freedom rise out of it like rocks. Most of these reviews (for that is what the book is made up of) were written at the time when the plays discussed had just appeared, that is, at a time when critical judgments on them were still blindly and hesitatingly groping about. But Börne’s vision penetrated to the innermost threads of the action. The most excellent are his criticisms of Schiller’s Tell, an essay which for more than twenty years has opposed the usual view without being refuted, precisely because it is irrefutable. [205] — Immermann’s Cardenio and Hofer, Raupach’s Isidor und Olga, Clauren’s Wollmarkt, with which other interests are connected, Houwald’s Leuchtturm and Bild, his criticism of which is so devastating that nothing, absolutely nothing, remains, and Shakespeare’s Hamlet. He reveals himself throughout as a great man who stirred up a controversy the consequences of which are still not to be foreseen, and these two volumes would already ensure Börne a place alongside Lessing. But he became a Lessing in a different field; may Karl Beck follow him as his Goethe!

Nächte. Gepanzerte Lieder by Karl Beck
I am a Sultan, driven by storms that blow,
My warrior hosts are armoured forms of song,
And grief has laid a turban on my brow
With many mysteries its folds among.
[from Der Sultan]

If such images are already contained in the second verse of a prologue, what will the book itself be like? If a youngster of twenty has such ideas, what kind of song will the mature man sing? — Karl Beck is a poetic talent without equal since Schiller. I find a remarkable affinity between Schiller’s Räuber and Beck’s Nächte, the same ardent spirit of freedom, the same unrestrained fantasy, the same youthful exuberance, the same mistakes. Schiller strove for freedom in the Räuber, which was an earnest warning to his servile age. But at that time such a striving could not yet take a definite form. In Young Germany, we now have a definite, systematic trend. Karl Beck comes forward and calls loudly to his age to recognise this trend, and to join it. Benedictus, qui venit in nomine Domini! [Blessed is he who cometh in the name of the Lord]

Der fahrende Poet. Poems by Karl Beck. The first work of the young poet has hardly appeared before he presents us with a second, which in power of expression, wealth of ideas, lyrical verve and depth is not a whit inferior to the first, but infinitely surpasses it in excellence of form and in its classicism. What an advance from Schöpfung in the Nächte to the sonnets on Schiller and Goethe in Der fahrende Poet! Gutzkow thinks that the sonnet form is harmful to the effect of the work as a whole, but I would maintain that this Shakespearean sonnet is precisely the medium between the epic stanza and the individual poem which this peculiar type of poetry requires. Of course, it is not an epic poem but a purely lyrical one with a loose epic thread running through it, still looser than in Byron’s Childe Harold. But it is a good thing for us Germans that Karl Beck was born.

Blasedow und seine Söhne. A comic novel by Karl Gutzkow. Vol. 1. This novel in 3 volumes is based on the idea of a modern Don Quixote — an idea which has already been frequently used but generally has been badly adapted, and by no means exhausted. The character of this modern Don Quixote (Blasedow, a country parson), as Gutzkow originally conceived him, was splendid, but something is clearly wanting in the execution. At any rate, this novel by the barely thirty-year-old Gutzkow (and which, moreover, is said to have been finished three years ago) is very inferior to Cervantes’ presentation which, of course, is the work of a mature man. On the other hand, the secondary characters — Tobianus seems to correspond to Sancho Panza — the situations and the language are excellent.

So much for my reviews. I shall continue when you have written. — Do you know when your letters arrived? On June 15! And the ones before came on April 15! That makes exactly two months! Is that right? I herewith decree that, on pain of not being sent any more poems, Wurm’s influence on the dispatch of letters be totally withdrawn. And if Wurm does not get his letter finished by the proper time, then send yours off without his. Isn’t 14 days long enough to write me two quarto-size pages? It is scandalous. You put no date on your letter Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire again, I don’t think that’s right, either. — The article in the Telegraph is my own indisputable property, and pleased W. Blank enormously. It was also applauded very much in Barmen and, in addition, was quoted with praise in the Nuremberg Athenäum . [206] There may be individual exaggerations in it, but on the whole it gives a correct picture if seen from a reasonable standpoint. However, if read with the preconceived opinion that it is a jumbled botch, it must appear to be precisely that. — What you say about the comedy is justum. [correct]

Justus judex ultionis,
Donum fac remissionis.
[Upright judge who punishes,
grant me indulgence]

You have not made the slightest mention of the canzone. This to be rectified.

1 Marx’s article “The Crisis in Berlin” and his series of articles “Counter-Revolution in Berlin” were written in response to the first moves in the counter-revolutionary coup d'état in Prussia. On November 1, 1848, Frederick William IV dismissed the moderate liberal Pfuel Ministry, and an openly counter-revolutionary Ministry headed by Brandenburg and Manteuffel was formed. On November 9 a royal decree transferred the Prussian National Assembly from Berlin to Brandenburg, a small provincial town. This was the beginning of the coup d'état which ended with the dissolution of the Assembly on December 5, 1848. The Neue Rheinische Zeitung, under Marx’s editorship, started a campaign to mobilise the people against the counter-revolution.

In English this article was first published in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the “Neue Rheinische Zeitung”. 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

The Neue Rheinische Zeitung was founded by Marx as a militant organ intended to reach and to influence the masses and, by their ideological and political education and consolidation, to prepare the ground for a mass party of the German proletariat. At the same time, it served to direct the activities of the Communist League which Marx and Engels founded in 1847 and regarded as the embryo of the future proletarian party. At the peak of the 1848 revolution, the League itself was too weak and numerically small to immediately rally the workers. There was no point in secret activity during the revolution, and Marx and Engels instructed League members throughout Germany to use the legal opportunities afforded by joining the workers’ associations and democratic societies which were being formed. In the situation that had arisen only a proletarian revolutionary newspaper could direct and co-ordinate the activities of Communist League members and mobilise the masses to carry through the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution.

It was decided to publish the newspaper in Cologne, the capital of the Rhine Province, one of the most economically and politically advanced regions in Germany (here there were considerable cadres of the proletariat, and the Code Napoléon which was in force provided for greater freedom of the press than Prussian Law). The newspaper was given the name of Neue Rheinische Zeitung to emphasise that it was to continue the revolutionary-democratic traditions of the Rheinische Zeitung edited by Marx in 1842 and 1843. Taking account of the specific circumstances, with no independent mass workers’ party in Germany, Marx, Engels and their followers entered the political scene as the Left, actually proletarian, wing of the democratic movement. This determined the stand of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, which began to appear under the subtitle Organ der Demokratie (Organ of Democracy).

The first issue of the newspaper appeared in the evening of May 31, 1848, and was dated June 1. The editorial board consisted of Karl Marx (editor-in-chief), Heinrich Bürgers. Ernst Dronke, Georg Weerth, Ferdinand and Wilhelm Wolff and Frederick Engels, joined in October 1848 by the poet Ferdinand Freiligrath. All the editors were members of the Communist League. The editorial board was known for its unanimity of views, smooth working and precise division of functions. Besides reading and answering letters and helping the editor-in-chief, each member had to deal with a definite range of questions. The editorial board had its correspondents in different parts of Germany and abroad. It established regular contacts with a number of democratic periodicals in other countries.

As a rule, Marx and Engels wrote the editorials formulating the newspaper’s stand on the most important questions of the revolution. These were marked “*Köln” or “**Köln”. Sometimes editorial articles marked with one asterisk were printed in other sections under the heading of News from Italy, France, Hungary, Switzerland and other countries. In addition to editorials, Engels wrote articles on other subjects, including the course of the revolutionary liberation movement in Italy, the revolutionary war in Hungary, the political life of Switzerland, and so on. Wilhelm Wolff contributed articles on the agrarian question, on the condition of the peasants and the peasant movement, particularly in Silesia. He was also responsible for the current events section. Georg Weerth wrote feuilletons and Ernst Dronke contributed various reports (including reports from Paris). The only article which Heinrich Bürgers wrote for the Neue Rheinische Zeitung was practically rewritten by Marx. He was more successful as the newspaper’s representative at workers’ meetings. Freiligrath published his revolutionary poems in the newspaper.

The Neue Rheinische Zeitung was a daily (from September 1848 it appeared every day except Monday). On some days a second edition was put out in order to supply the readers with prompt information on all the most important revolutionary developments in Germany and Europe; supplements were printed when there was too much material for the four pages of the issue, and special supplements and special editions in the form of leaflets carried the latest and most important news.

Even in the first months of the newspaper’s existence the bourgeois shareholders started to complain of the consistent revolutionary line of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, its militant internationalism and political denunciations of the Government. Its editors were persecuted by the Government and attacked in the feudal monarchist and liberal bourgeois press. Shareholders were especially scared off by articles in defence of the June 1848 uprising of the Paris proletariat.

To make Marx’s stay in the Rhine Province more difficult, the Cologne authorities, on instructions from Berlin, refused to reinstate him in his rights as a Prussian citizen (which Marx had renounced in 1845), and on several occasions instituted legal proceedings against him and other editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. On September 26, 1848, when a state of siege was declared in Cologne, several democratic newspapers, including the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, were suspended. To avoid arrest, Engels, Dronke and Ferdinand Wolff had to leave Germany for a time. Wilhelm Wolff stayed in Cologne but for several months lived in hiding. When the state of siege was lifted the paper resumed publication on October 12, thanks to the great efforts of Marx who contributed all his ready money to the paper. Until January 1849, the main burden of the work, including editorial articles, lay on Marx’s shoulders since Engels had to stay out of Germany (in France and Switzerland).

Persecution of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung editors by the legal authorities and the police was particularly intensified after the counter-revolutionary coup in Prussia in November-December 1848. On February 7, 1849, Marx, Engels and Hermann Korff, the responsible publisher, were summoned to appear before a jury in Cologne, and the next day Marx, together with Schapper and lawyer Schneider, was brought to trial as the leader of the Rhenish District Committee of Democrats. But in both cases Marx and his associates were acquitted thanks to skilful defence.

The failure of these prosecutions compelled the authorities to resort to other means for the prohibition of the revolutionary periodical. In May 1849, when the counter-revolution went into the offensive all over Germany, the Prussian Government issued an order for Marx’s expulsion from Prussia on the grounds that he had not been granted Prussian citizenship. Marx’s expulsion and new repressions against other editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung put an end to the publication of the newspaper. Its last issue (No. 301), printed in red ink, came out on May 19, 1849. In their farewell address to the workers, the editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung said, “Their last word everywhere and always will be: emancipation of the working class!”

2 By the “theory of agreement” (Vereinbarungstheorie) the Prussian liberal bourgeoisie sought to justify its policy of compromise in the revolution. The “agreement theory” meant that the Prussian National Assembly convened in May 1848 was to draft a Constitution and introduce a constitutional system, not on the basis of its sovereign and constitutive rights, but “by agreement with the Crown”. By accepting this formula, which was advanced by the Camphausen-Hansemann Government, the Assembly’s liberal majority in fact abandoned the principle of popular sovereignty and gave freedom of action, to the counter-revolutionaries who wanted to restore the absolute power of the King. Beginning with the early issues of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung Marx and Engels sharply criticised the “theory of agreement” calling its supporters “agreers” and the Berlin Assembly — the “Agreement Assembly”. They warned that this theory would only serve the King as a screen for preparing a counter-revolutionary coup d'état and the forcible dissolution of the Assembly.

3 This article, as well as a number of other reports below, was written by Engels during his forced stay in Switzerland. On September 26, 1848, a state of siege was declared in Cologne and an order was issued for the arrest of some of the editors of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, including Engels. Engels emigrated from Prussia to Belgium, where he was arrested by the Brussels police and on October 4 deported to France. After a short stay in Paris Engels went on foot to Switzerland (see his travel notes “From Paris to Berne” in Vol. 7 of the present edition, pp. 507-29). About November 9 Engels arrived in Berne via Geneva and Lausanne and remained there until January 1849. While in emigration he regularly sent to the Neue Rheinische Zeitung articles and various items of information.

4 In 1707-1806 the principality of Neuenburg and Vallondis (the German names for Neuchâtel and Valangin) was a dwarf state under the rule of Prussia. In 1806, during the Napoleonic wars, Neuchâtel was ceded to France. In 1815, by decision of the Vienna Congress, it was incorporated into the Swiss Confederation as its 21st canton but at the same time retained its vassal dependence on Prussia. On February 29, 1848. a bourgeois revolution in Neuchâtel put an end to Prussian rule and a republic was proclaimed. However, up to 1857 Prussia constantly laid claim to Neuchâtel and was forced to renounce it officially only under pressure from France.

5 An allusion to General Pfuel’s participation in the suppression of the national liberation uprising in Posen, a duchy under Prussia’s rule, which took place in the spring of 1848. On his orders the insurgents who had been taken prisoner had their heads shaved and their hands and ears branded with lunar caustic (in German Höllenstein i.e. stone of hell); hence his nickname “von Höllenstein”. p. 7 6

6 The Holy Hermandad (Holy Brotherhood) — a league of Spanish towns set up at the end of the fifteenth century with the approbation of the King to fight against the powerful feudal lords. From the middle of the sixteenth century the armed detachments of the Holy Hermandad performed police duties. Thus. the police in general was often ironically labelled the “Holy Hermandad”.

7 In accordance with the Constitution of the Swiss Confederation adopted on September 12, 1848, the National Council (Nationalrat) consisted of deputies elected every three years by universal suffrage. The Constitution also provided for the existence of the Council of States (Ständerat) made up of two deputies from each canton. The two Councils constituted the Federal Assembly (Bundesversammlung), the supreme legislative body in Switzerland.

Great Councils (Gross Räte) — legislatures of urban cantons set up under the Swiss Constitution of 1803.

8 In English this article was first published in the collection: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the “Neue Rheinische Zeitung” 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972.

9 Demi-cantons — out of the 22 Swiss cantons three — Appenzell, Basle and Unterwalden — were for various reasons (geographical, religious etc.) divided into demi-cantons: Appenzell into Innerrhoden and Ausserrhoden, Basle into Basle and Baselland, and Unterwalden into Obwalden and Nidwalden.

Diet (Tagsatzung) — supreme organ of the Swiss Confederation which existed until the latter was reorganised and transformed from a union of states into a federal state in 1848. The Diet consisted of representatives of the separate cantons. In 1848 it adopted a new Constitution and yielded place to the Federal Assembly consisting of two Chambers (the National Council and the Council of States).

10 The Ur-cantons (Urkantönli) are the mountain cantons of Uri, Schwyz and Unterwalden which in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries formed the nucleus of the Swiss Confederation. During the civil war of 1847 these cantons, as members of the Sonderbund, opposed the progressive forces of Switzerland.

Separatists — members of the Sonderbund, a separatist union formed by the seven economically backward Catholic cantons of Switzerland in 1843 to resist progressive bourgeois reforms and defend the privileges of the Church and the Jesuits. The decree of the Swiss Diet of July 1847 on the dissolution of the Sonderbund served as a pretext for the latter to start hostilities against the other cantons early in November. On November 23, 1847, the Sonderbund army was defeated by the federal forces.

11 During the bourgeois revolution of 1820-23 in Spain, the liberal party split into a Right wing, the Moderados, and a Left wing, the Exaltados.

12 On May 21, 1847, the canton of Geneva adopted a new bourgeois-democratic Constitution. Among other things, it legalised freedom of faith and the election of the State Council (the cantonal Government) directly by the people, granted suffrage to persons living on allowances, introduced free primary instruction etc. The canton’s previous Constitution was abolished by its Great Council as a result of a popular uprising in October 1846 in which a decisive role was played by the workers of Saint-Gervais.

13 For the proletarian uprising ‘ Paris on June 23-26, 1848, see present edition, in Vol. 7, pp. 124-28 and 130-64.

The popular uprising in Vienna on October 6-7, 1848, flared up in response to the Austrian Government’s order to dissolve the Hungarian Sejm and to dispatch Austrian troops to aid the Croatian Ban Jellachich who, supported by the Emperor’s court, had started a counter-revolutionary campaign against Hungary and been defeated by the Hungarian revolutionary forces on September 29. Headed by the petty-bourgeois democrats, the masses prevented the Vienna garrison from marching to Hungary and seized control of the city after a fierce struggle. However, the insurgents did not receive the necessary support from other revolutionary forces in Austria and Germany and revolutionary measures were sabotaged by the Vienna bourgeoisie. The Hungarian troops were not energetic enough in their march to the aid of the insurgents and were halted by Jellachich on October 29 while the counter-revolutionary army of Windischgrätz had already been fighting in the city itself from October 26. On November 1 the resistance of the insurgents was broken. The restoration of the Habsburgs to power was accompanied by savage counter-revolutionary terror.

14 In the spring of 1798, after the troops of the French Directory entered Switzerland, the one and indivisible Helvetian Republic was proclaimed there and a Constitution adopted on the pattern of the French Constitution of 1795. For the first time in the history of the country a central government was created, the equality of the cantons declared, the privileges of the estates and feudal dependence of the peasants abolished, the medieval guilds liquidated etc. Swiss participation in France’s wars against the forces of the anti-French coalition was accompanied by a struggle between the progressive and reactionary forces within the country for preserving or abolishing the Helvetian Republic. The latter was abolished in 1803 by Napoleon, who restored, with certain modifications, the previous decentralised state system of the Swiss Confederation. In 1815 the Vienna Congress acknowledged Switzerland’s permanent neutrality and approved the Federal Act adopted by the Swiss Diet in 1814, which limited the powers of the central Government still more. Though particularism was restored, on the whole the anti-feudal measures of the Helvetian Republic remained in force.

15 The riot which took place on October 24, 1848, in Freiburg (Fribourg) was f organised by the Catholic priests led by Bishop Marilley, Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire and aimed at overthrowing the democratic Government of the canton. It was quickly suppressed.

16 In English this article was first published in full in the collection: Kart Marx and Frederick Engels, Articles from the “Neue Rheinische Zeitung”. 1848-49, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972. Prior to this, an excerpt from the article published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung on November 12, 1848, appeared under the title “We Refuse to Pay Taxes” in the book: Karl Marx, On Revolution, ed. by S. K. Padover, New York, 1971 (“The Karl Marx Library” series).

17 Speaking of the Brandenburg Ministry, Frederick William IV said: “Either Brandenburg in the Assembly or the Assembly in Brandenburg.” In its issue Of November 9, 1848, the Neue Preussische Zeitung changed this to: “Brandenburg in the Assembly and the Assembly in Brandenburg.”

18 The Emperor Charles V is said to have ordered his Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire own funeral to be performed and to have taken part in the burial service shortly before his death.

19 The criminal code of Charles V (Constitutio criminalis carolina), adopted by the Imperial Diet in Regensburg in 1532, was notorious for its extremely cruel penalties.

261 See Note 61.

262 An allusion to Immanuel Kant’s Kritik der praktischen Vernunft (Critique of Practical Reason), published just before the French Revolution (1788).

263 Réformistes (referred to below as Social-Democrats, this volume, p. 518) — see Note 60.

264 See Note 38.

265 See Note 55.

266 This article was first published in English in the book, K. Marx and F. Engels, The Communist Manifesto, Lawrence, London, 1930.

267 The reference is to the Prussian United Diet convened in April 1847 (see Note 51), which the Prussian ruling circles considered as the maximum Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire constitutional concession to the liberal bourgeoisie. To counter the demands of the opposition the Prussian king and his supporters tried to substitute this assembly representing the estates for a genuinely representative one. The fact that the majority of the Diet refused to vote the new loans and taxes showed, however, how far the conflict between the monarchy and the bourgeoisie had gone.

268 See Note 172.

269 The reference is to the bourgeois revolution in Belgium (autumn 1830) which resulted in Belgium’s secession from the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the establishment there of the constitutional monarchy of the Coburg dynasty.

After the July 1830 revolution in France, the movement for liberal reforms intensified also in Switzerland. In a number of cantons, the liberals and radicals succeeded in having the local constitutions revised in a liberal spirit.

270 See Note 32.

271 In the beginning of February 183 1, revolts took place in a number of provinces of the Papal states — Romagna, Marca and Umbria — and also the dukedoms of Modena and Parma. They were instigated by the carbonari, members of bourgeois and aristocratic revolutionary secret societies. In the course of this bourgeois revolution in Central Italy an attempt was made to abolish the absolute monarchy (in Modena and Parma), to deprive the Pope of temporal power (in Romagna) and to form a new, larger state — an Alignment of Italian Provinces. The revolt was suppressed by the Austrian army at the end of March 1831.

272 From 1833 a moderately liberal constitution was in force in Hanover. A prominent part in drawing it up was played by the historian Dahlmann. In 1837 the King of Hanover, supported by the landowners, abolished the constitution and in 1840 passed a new constitutional Act, which reproduced the main principles of the State Law of 1819 and minimised the rights of the representative institutions.

273 The Vienna Conference of ministers of a number of German states was called in 1834 on the initiative of the Austrian Chancellor Metternich and the ruling circles of Prussia to discuss measures to be taken against the liberal opposition and the democratic movement. The conference decided to restrict the rights of the representative institutions which existed in some German states, to intensify censorship, to introduce more strict control over universities and to repress appositional students’ organisations.

274 On July 12, 1839, the English Parliament rejected the Chartist petition demanding the adoption of the People’s Charter. The Chartists failed in their attempt to organise in reply a general strike and other revolutionary actions, including armed struggle. The miners’ revolt in Newport (Wales) in early November 1839, which the Chartists organised, was crushed by troops, and severe repressions followed.

275 See Note 28.

276 Sans-Souci (literally “Without Care”) — a summer residence of the Prussian kings in Potsdam (near Berlin).

277 The reference is to the so-called United Committees consisting of the representatives of the Provincial Diets which met in January 1848 to discuss the draft of a new criminal code. Convening these committees, the Prussian government hoped that the apparent preparation of reforms would calm down the growing public unrest. The work of the committees was interrupted by the revolutionary outbursts that swept over Germany at the beginning of March.

278 Engels alludes to the speech of Frederick William IV at the opening of the United Diet on April 11, 1847: “As the heir to air unimpaired crown which I must and will preserve unimpaired for those that shall succeed me......

279 The reference is to the patriotic and reform movement among the liberal nobility and bourgeoisie in Prussia during the country’s dependence on Napoleonic France.

280 Roman consulta, or Roman State Council — a consultative body inaugurated by Pope Pins IX in the end of 1847. It included representatives of the liberal landowners and the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie.

281 Pifferari (from “piffero” — pipe) — herdsmen in the Apennines in Central Italy; a common name for Italian wandering singers.

Lazzaroni — a contemptuous nickname for declassed proletarians, primarily in the Kingdom of Naples. Lazzaroni were repeatedly used by the absolutist governments in their struggle against the liberal and democratic movements.

282 Pietists — adherents of a mystical Lutheran trend which arose in Germany in the 17th century and placed religious feeling above religious dogmas. Pietism was directed against the rationalist thinking and philosophy of the Enlightenment and in the 19th century was distinguished by extreme mysticism and hypocrisy.

283 The reference is to the war of 1846-48 between the United States of America and Mexico, as a result of which the USA seized almost half the Mexican territory, including the whole of Texas, Upper California, New Mexico and other regions.

In assessing these events in his article Engels proceeded from the general conception that it was progressive for patriarchal and feudal countries to be drawn into the orbit of capitalist relations because, he thought, this accelerated the creation of preconditions tor a proletarian revolution (see Note 252). In subsequent years however, he and Marx investigated the consequences of colonial conquests and the subjugation of backward countries by large states in all their aspects. In particular, having made a thorough study of the US policy in regard to Mexico and other countries of the American continent, Marx in an article, “The Civil War in the North America” (1861), described it as expansion in the interests of the then dominant slave-owning oligarchy of the Southern States and of the bourgeois elements in the North which supported it, whose overt aim was to seize new territories for spreading slavery.

284 The project of connecting the Pacific Ocean with the Gulf of Mexico by means of a canal through the Isthmus of Tehuantepec was repeatedly put forward in the USA, which strove to dominate the trade routes and markets in Central America. However, in the 1870s the American capitalists rejected this project, preferring to invest their capital in less expensive railway construction in Mexico.

285 The reference is to the French army’s invasion of Austria during the wars of the European coalitions against the French Republic and Napoleonic France. In March 1797 General Bonaparte’s troops defeated the Austrian army in Northern Italy, invaded Austria and launched an offensive on Vienna. This impelled the Austrian government to sign an armistice. In 1805, during the war of England, Austria and Russia against Napoleonic France, most of Austria was occupied by French troops following the capitulation of the Austrian army at Ulm (October 1805). During the Austro-French war of 1809 hostilities took place mainly on Austrian territory and ended in the defeat of the Austrians at Wagram (near Vienna), on July 5 and 6, 1809.

286 In July 1820 the carbonari, aristocratic and bourgeois revolutionaries, rose in revolt against the absolutist regime in the Kingdom of Naples and succeeded in having a moderate liberal constitution introduced. In March 182 1, a revolt took place in the Kingdom of Sardinia (Piedmont). The liberals who headed it proclaimed a constitution and attempted to make use of the anti-Austrian movement in Northern Italy for the unification of the country under the aegis of the Savoy dynasty then in power in Piedmont. Interference by the powers of the Holy Alliance and the occupation of Naples and Piedmont by Austrian troops led to the restoration of absolutist regimes in both states.

For details about the suppression of the revolt in Romagna in 1831 by the Austrians, see Note 271.

During the Polish uprising in the free city of Cracow in 1846 (see Note 55) the Austrian authorities provoked clashes between Ukrainian peasants and detachments of the insurgent nobles in Galicia.

In July 1847, fearing the people’s movement in the Papal states, the Austrian authorities brought in troops to the frontier town of Ferrara. In Rome itself they supported the circles which strove to abolish the liberal reforms of Pins IX. However, the general discontent in Italy caused by the occupation of Ferrara forced the Austrians to withdraw their troops.

287 The Sonderbund, a separatist alliance of patriarchal and aristocratic cantons, which unleashed civil war in Switzerland in November 1847 (see Note 172), received money and armaments from Austria and France, under the pretext that they were guarantors of Switzerland’s neutrality (under the Paris Treaty of 1815), and counted on their military interference on its side.

288 In the atmosphere of growing revolutionary unrest in Hungary the Austrian government attempted to seize front the progressive national opposition the initiative in carrying through a number of bourgeois reforms with the aim of splitting its ranks. In 1843 and 1844 Bills were introduced on the development of credit, road construction, the abolition of customs barriers between Austria and Hungary, the regulation of navigation on the Danube, greater representation of cities in the assemblies of the estates, etc. The manoeuvres of the Austrian government could not, however, halt the national movement or make the opposition renounce its demands for radical changes.

289 Prater — a park in Vienna.

290 Below Marx gives a critical analysis of the article, “Les Associations démocratiques. — Leur principe. — Leur but” (“Democratic Associations. — Their Principles. — Their Aim”), published in the Belgian radical newspaper Débat social (editor-in-chief A. Barrels) on February 6. 1848.

About the Brussels Democratic Association, see Note 194.

291 Alliance (founded in 1841) and Association libérale (founded in 1847) — liberal bourgeois political organisations in Belgium.

292 Marx basin mind Robert Peel’s speech in the House of Commons on June 29, 1846, when the government’s resignation was discussed.

293 The reference is to the People’s Charter — the main programme of political changes proposed by the Chartists (see Note 48).

294 The reference is to the discussion on free trade held at the meetings of the Brussels Democratic Association in January and early February 1848. It was initiated by Marx’s speech on the question of free trade on January 9 (see this volume, pp. 450-65), in which he opposed the tendency of certain bourgeois democrats to idealise free trade. In this speech Marx expressed the opinion not only of the proletarian section but of the majority of the Democratic Association.

295 Marx refers to the articles published in the Débat social of February 6, 1848: “Opinion de M. Cobden, sur les dépenses de la guerre et de la marine” (“M. Cobden’s opinion of the Expenses on the War and the Navy”) and “Discours prononcé par M. Le Hardy de Beaulieu, A la dernière séance de l'Association Belge pour la liberté commercials” (“Speech by M. Le Hardy de Beaulieu at the Last Meeting of the Belgian Association in Defence of Free Trade”).

296 In November 1847 the King of Sardinia, the Pope and the Duke of Tuscany agreed to convene a conference of Italian states to form a Customs Union. The project of a Customs Union met the interests of the bourgeois circles which strove to unite [lie country “from above” in the form of a federation of states under the Pope or the Savoy dynasty. However, this plan was frustrated by the 1848-49 revolution in Italy and its defeat in 1849.

297 On the events of 1823 and 1831 in Italy, see notes 271 and 286. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

298 Prior to the 1848 revolution the movement among the German population in the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein against a common constitution with Denmark (the draft constitution was made public on January 28, 1848) was a separatist one and did not go beyond moderate bourgeois opposition. Its aim was to create in the north of Germany yet another small German state dependent on Prussia. During the 1848-49 revolution the situation changed. The events in Germany imparted to the national movement in Schleswig and Holstein a revolutionary, liberation character. The struggle for the secession of these duchies from Denmark became an integral part of the struggle for the national unification of Germany and was resolutely supported by Marx and Engels.

299 See Note 26.

300 The reference is to the rescripts of Frederick William IV convening a United Diet in Prussia (see Note 51).

Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire History is the judge — its executioner, the proletarian.

Marx, Speech at Anniversary of The People’s Paper (1856)



The Afghans are a brave, hardy, and independent race; they follow pastoral or agricultural occupations only ... With them, war is an excitement and relief from the monotonous occupation of industrial pursuits.

Engels, On Afghanistan (1857)



The human being is in the most literal sense a political animal not merely a gregarious animal, but an animal which can individuate itself only in the midst of society. Production by an isolated individual outside society ... is as much of an absurdity as is the development of language without individuals living together and talking to each other.

Marx, The Grundrisse (1857)



It seems to be correct to begin with the real and the concrete, with the real precondition, thus to begin, in economics, with e.g. the population, which is the foundation and the subject of the entire social act of production. However, on closer examination this proves false. The population is an abstraction if I leave out, for example, the classes of which it is composed. ... if I were to begin with the population, this would be a chaotic conception of the whole, and I would then, by means of further determination, move analytically towards ever more simple concepts, from the imagined concrete towards ever thinner abstractions until I had arrived at the simplest determinations. From there the journey would have to be retraced until I had finally arrived at the population again, but this time not as the chaotic conception of a whole, but as a rich totality of many determinations and relations.

Marx, The Grundrisse (1857)



Human anatomy contains a key to the anatomy of the ape.
Marx, The Grundrisse (1857)



In all forms of society there is one specific kind of production which predominates over the rest, ... a general illumination which bathes all the other colours and modifies their particularity.

Marx, The Grundrisse (1857)



Relations of personal dependence are the first social forms in which human productive capacity develops only to a slight extent and at isolated points. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Personal independence founded on objective dependence is the second great form, in which a system of general social metabolism, of universal relations, of all-round needs and universal capacities is formed for the first time. Free individuality, based on the universal development of individuals and on their subordination of their communal, social productivity as their social wealth, is the third stage.

Marx, The Grundrisse (1857)



Society does not consist of individuals, but expresses the sum of interrelations, the relations within which these individuals stand.

Marx, The Grundrisse (1857)



Capital and labour relate to each other here like money and commodity; the former is the general form of wealth, the other only the substance destined for immediate consumption. Capital’s ceaseless striving towards the general form of wealth drives labour beyond the limits of its natural paltriness, and thus creates the material elements for the development of the rich individuality which is as all-sided in its production as in its consumption, and whose labour also therefore appears no longer as labour, but as the full development of activity itself, in which natural necessity in its direct form has disappeared; because natural need has been replaced by historically produced need. This is why capital is productive; i.e. an essential relation for the development of the social productive forces. It ceases to exist as such only where the development of these productive forces themselves encounters its barrier in capital itself.

Marx, 1The Grundrisse (1857)



The pay of the common soldier is also reduced to a minimum — determined purely by the production costs necessary to procure him. But he exchanges the performance of his services not for capital, but for the revenue of the state.
In bourgeois society itself, all exchange of personal services for revenue — including labour for personal consumption, cooking, sewing etc., garden work etc., up to and including all of the unproductive classes, civil servants, physicians, lawyers, scholars etc. — belongs under this rubric, within this category. All menial servants etc. By means of their services — often coerced — all these workers, from the least to the highest, obtain for themselves a share of the surplus product, of the capitalist’s revenue.
But it does not occur to anyone to think that by means of the exchange of his revenue for such services, i.e. through private consumption, the capitalist posits himself as capitalist. Rather, he thereby spends the fruits of his capital. It does not change the nature of the relation that the proportions in which revenue is exchanged for this kind of living labour are themselves determined by the general laws of production.

Marx, The Grundrisse (1857)



For example, when the peasant takes a wandering tailor, of the kind that existed in times past, into his house, and gives him the material to make clothes with. ... The man who takes the cloth I supplied to him and makes me an article of clothing out of it gives me a use value. But instead of giving it directly in objective form, he gives it in the form of activity. I give him a completed use value; he completes another for me. The difference between previous, objectified labour and living, present labour here appears as a merely formal difference between the different tenses of labour, at one time in the perfect and at another in the present.

Marx, The Grundrisse (1857)



The separation of public works from the state, and their migration into the domain of the works undertaken by capital itself, indicates the degree to which the real community has constituted itself in the form of capital.

Marx, The Grundrisse (1857)



In the social production of their existence, men inevitably enter into definite relations, which are independent of their will, namely relations of production appropriate to a given stage in the development of their material forces of production. The totality of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which arises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness.

Marx, Preface to the Critique of Political Economy (1859)



The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual life process in general. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness.

Marx, Preface to the Critique of Political Economy (1859)



At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or – this merely expresses the same thing in legal terms – with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an era of social revolution. The changes in the economic foundation lead sooner or later to the transformation of the whole immense superstructure. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Marx, Preface to the Critique of Political Economy (1859)



In studying such transformations it is always necessary to distinguish between the material transformation of the economic conditions of production, which can be determined with the precision of natural science, and the legal, political, religious, artistic or philosophic – in short, ideological forms in which men become conscious of this conflict and fight it out.

Marx, Preface to the Critique of Political Economy (1859)

The first premise of all human history is, of course, the existence of living human individuals. Thus the first fact to be established is the physical organisation of these individuals and their consequent relation to the rest of nature....Men can be distinguished from animals by consciousness, by religion or anything else you like. They themselves begin to distinguish themselves from animals as soon as they begin to produce their means of subsistence, a step which is conditioned by their physical organisation. By producing their means of subsistence men are indirectly producing their actual material life

Marx, German Ideology (1845)



The question whether objective truth can be attributed to human thinking is not a question of theory but is a practical question.

Marx, Theses On Feuerbach: Thesis 2 (1845)



The materialist doctrine concerning the changing of circumstances and upbringing forgets that circumstances are changed by men and that it is essential to educate the educator himself. This doctrine must, therefore, divide society into two parts, one of which is superior to society.

Marx, Theses On Feuerbach: Thesis 3 (1845)



The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it.

Marx, Theses On Feuerbach: Thesis 11 (1845)



One of the most difficult tasks confronting philosophers is to descend from the world of thought to the actual world. Language is the immediate actuality of thought. Just as philosophers have given thought an independent existence, so they were bound to make language into an independent realm.

Marx, German Ideology, Chapter 3 (1846)



History does nothing, it ‘possesses no immense wealth’, it ‘wages no battles’. It is man, real, living man who does all that, who possesses and fights; ‘history’ is not, as it were, a person apart, using man as a means to achieve its own aims; history is nothing but the activity of man pursuing his aims..

Marx, The Holy Family, Chapter 6 (1846)



The productive forces are the result of man’s practical energy, but that energy is in turn circumscribed by the conditions in which man is placed by the productive forces already acquired, by the form of society which exists before him, which he does not create, which is the product of the preceding generation.

Marx, 1846 Letter to Annenkov (1846)



The hand-mill gives you society with the feudal lord; the steam-mill society with the industrial capitalist.

Marx, Poverty of Philosophy (1847)



Economists explain how production takes place in the above-mentioned relations, but what they do not explain is how these relations themselves are produced, that is, the historical movement which gave them birth. M. Proudhon, taking these relations for principles, categories, has merely to put into order these thoughts.

Marx, Poverty of Philosophy (1847)



Machines were, it may be said, the weapon employed by the capitalist to quell the revolt of specialized labor.

Marx, Poverty of Philosophy (1847)



The working class, in the course of its development, will substitute for the old civil society an association which will exclude classes and their antagonism, and there will be no more political power properly so-called, since political power is precisely the official expression of antagonism in civil society.

Marx, Poverty of Philosophy (1847)



But in the measure that history moves forward, and with it the struggle of the proletariat assumes clearer outlines, they no longer need to seek science in their minds; they have only to take note of what is happening before their eyes and to become its mouthpiece. So long as they look for science and merely make systems, so long as they are at the beginning of the struggle, they see in poverty nothing but poverty, without seeing in it the revolutionary, subversive side, which will overthrow the old society. From this moment, science, which is a product of the historical movement, has associated itself consciously with it, has ceased to be doctrinaire and has become revolutionary.

Marx, Poverty of Philosophy (1847) Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire



The slave frees himself when, of all the relations of private property, he abolishes only the relation of slavery and thereby becomes a proletarian; the proletarian can free himself only by abolishing private property in general.

Engels, Principles of Communism (1847)



What is Communism? Communism is the doctrine of the conditions of the liberation of the proletariat. What is the proletariat? The proletariat is that class in society which lives entirely from the sale of its labor and does not draw profit from any kind of capital; Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire whose weal and woe, whose life and death, whose sole existence depends on the demand for labor....

Engels, Principles of Communism (1847)

This organisation of the proletarians into a class, and, consequently into a political party, is continually being upset again by the competition between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up again, stronger, firmer, mightier. It compels legislative recognition of particular interests of the workers, by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie itself. Thus, the ten-hours’ bill in England was carried.

Altogether collisions between the classes of the old society further, in many ways, the course of development of the proletariat. The bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle. At first with the aristocracy; later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself, whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all time with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all these battles, it sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for help, and thus, to drag it into the political arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its own elements of political and general education, in other words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie.

Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling class are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, or are at least threatened in their conditions of existence. These also supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress.

Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the progress of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact within the whole range of old society, assumes such a violent, glaring character, that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift, and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands. Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the nobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular, a portion of the bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole.

Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of Modern Industry; the proletariat is its special and essential product.

The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay more, they are reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If by chance, they are revolutionary, they are only so in view of their impending transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not their present, but their future interests, they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat.

The “dangerous class”, [lumpenproletariat] the social scum, that passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of the old society, may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue.

In the condition of the proletariat, those of old society at large are already virtually swamped. The proletarian is without property; his relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with the bourgeois family relations; modern industry labour, modern subjection to capital, the same in England as in France, in America as in Germany, has stripped him of every trace of national character. Law, morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests.

All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters of the productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation. They have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify; their mission is to destroy all previous securities for, and insurances of, individual property.

All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, without the whole superincumbent strata of official society being sprung into the air.

Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat of each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own bourgeoisie.

In depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat.

Hitherto, every form of society has been based, as we have already seen, on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. But in order to oppress a class, certain conditions must be assured to it under which it can, at least, continue its slavish existence. The serf, in the period of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the commune, just as the petty bourgeois, under the yoke of the feudal absolutism, managed to develop into a bourgeois. The modern labourer, on the contrary, instead of rising with the process of industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class. He becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops more rapidly than population and wealth. And here it becomes evident, that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society, and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an over-riding law. It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state, that it has to feed him, instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie, in other words, its existence is no longer compatible with society.

The essential conditions for the existence and for the sway of the bourgeois class is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage-labour. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Wage-labour rests exclusively on competition between the labourers. The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the labourers, due to competition, by the revolutionary combination, due to association. The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.





Proletarians and Communists


In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole? The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to the other working-class parties.

They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.

They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.

The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only:

(1) In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality.

(2) In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.

The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the lines of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement.

The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat.

The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer.

They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our very eyes. The abolition of existing property relations is not at all a distinctive feature of communism.

All property relations in the past have continually been subject to historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions.

The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favour of bourgeois property.

The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete expression of the system of producing and appropriating products, that is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the few.

In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of private property.

We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man’s own labour, which property is alleged to be the groundwork of all personal freedom, activity and independence.

Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean the property of petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of property that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish that; the development of industry has to a great extent already destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily.

Or do you mean the modern bourgeois private property?

But does wage-labour create any property for the labourer? Not a bit. It creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which exploits wage-labour, and which cannot increase except upon condition of begetting a new supply of wage-labour for fresh exploitation. Property, in its present form, is based on the antagonism of capital and wage labour. Let us examine both sides of this antagonism. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a social status in production. Capital is a collective product, and only by the united action of many members, nay, in the last resort, only by the united action of all members of society, can it be set in motion.

Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Trajan was a soldier who spent most of his life involved in campaigns. When delivered the news that he was adopted by Roman Emperor Nerva, and even after Nerva died, Trajan remained in Germany until he had completed his campaign. Trajan's major campaigns as emperor were against the Dacians, in 106, which vastly increased the Roman imperial coffers, and against the Parthians, beginning in 113, which was not a clear and decisive victory. Trajan also built an artificial harbor at Ostia.
Occupation: Ruler
Birth and Death:
Future Roman emperor, Marcus Ulpius Traianus or Trajan was born at Italica, in Spain, on September 18, A.D. 53. After having appointed Hadrian his successor, Trajan died while returning to Italy from the east. Trajan died on 9 August A.D. 117, after suffering a stroke, in the Cilician town of Selinus.
Family of Origin:
The family of Trajan came from Italica, in Spanish Baetica. His father was Ulpius Trajanaus and his mother was named Marcia. Trajan had a 5 years older sister named Ulpia Marciana. Trajan was adopted by the Roman Emperor Nerva and made his heir, which entitled Trajan to call himself the son of Nerva: CAESARI DIVI NERVAE F, literally, 'the son of the divine Caesar Nerva.'
Sources:
Literary sources on Trajan include Pliny the Younger, Tacitus, Cassius Dio, Dio of Prusa, Aurelius Victor and Eutropius. Despite their number, there is little reliable written information about Trajan's reign. Since Trajan sponsored building projects, there is archaeological and epigraphical (from inscriptions) testimony.
Reforms:
Although we don't know the details, Trajan set up cash subsidies to help raise poor children. He is well known for his building projects.
Years as Emperor:
Trajan reigned as Roman emperor from A.D. 98-117.Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Titles and Honors:
Trajan was officially designated optimus 'best' or optimus princeps 'best chief' in 114. He provided 123 days of public celebration for his Dacian triumph and had his Dacian and Germanic successes recorded in his official title. Trajan was posthumously made divine (divus) as had his predecessor (Caesar Divus Nerva). Tacitus refers to the beginning of Trajan's reign as a 'most blessed age' (beatissimum saeculum). Trajan was also made Pontifex Maximus.
Modern Print Biography: Trajan Optimus Princeps - A Life and Times, by Julian Bennett. Indiana University Press, 1997. ISBN 0253332168. 318 Pages.

ST IV

GBACW Tables Set/Learning GBACW 1.0
129 Harvest of Death [2nd Day at Gettysburg]
106 Red River Campaign/Pleasant Hill
86 Cedar Mountain
98 New Blue and Gray Game Varients
67 Stonewall in the Shenandoah [Punched/not counted]
80 Wilson Creek
169 Atlanta Campaign: Peachtree Creek and Jonesboro
170 Atlanta Campaign: Bald Hill and Ezra Church
119 Horse Soldiers (N.B> Forrest)
103 The Road to Vicksburg
133 Baton Rouge [street fighting!]
218 Chancelorsville
123 Campaigns in the Valley

Italian Organized Crime—Overview

Charles “Lucky” LucianoSince their appearance in the 1800s, the Italian criminal societies known as the Mafia have infiltrated the social and economic fabric of Italy and now impact the world. They are some of the most notorious and widespread of all criminal societies.

There are several groups currently active in the U.S.: the Sicilian Mafia; the Camorra or Neapolitan Mafia; the ’Ndrangheta or Calabrian Mafia; and the Sacra Corona Unita or United Sacred Crown.

We estimate the four groups have approximately 25,000 members total, with 250,000 affiliates worldwide. There are more than 3,000 members and affiliates in the U.S., scattered mostly throughout the major cities in the Northeast, the Midwest, California, and the South. Their largest presence centers around New York, southern New Jersey, and Philadelphia.

Their criminal activities are international with members and affiliates in Canada, South America, Australia, and parts of Europe. They are also known to collaborate with other international organized crime groups from all over the world, especially in drug trafficking.

The major threats to American society posed by these groups are drug trafficking and money laundering. They have been involved in heroin trafficking for decades. Two major investigations that targeted Italian organized crime drug trafficking in the 1980s are known as the “French Connection” and the “Pizza Connection.”

These groups don’t limit themselves to drug running, though. They’re also involved in illegal gambling, political corruption, extortion, kidnapping, fraud, counterfeiting, infiltration of legitimate businesses, murders, bombings, and weapons trafficking. Industry experts in Italy estimate that their worldwide criminal activity is worth more than $100 billion annually.

A Long History
These enterprises evolved over the course of 3,000 years during numerous periods of invasion and exploitation by numerous conquering armies in Italy. Over the millennia, Sicilians became more clannish and began to rely on familial ties for safety, protection, justice, and survival.

An underground secret society formed initially as resistance fighters against the invaders and to exact frontier vigilante justice against oppression. A member was known as a “Man Of Honor,” respected and admired because he protected his family and friends and kept silent even unto death.

Sicilians weren’t concerned if the group profited from its actions because it came at the expense of the oppressive authorities. These secret societies eventually grew into the Mafia.

Since the 1900s, thousands of Italian organized crime figures—mostly Sicilian Mafiosi—have come illegally to this country. Many who fled here in the early 1920s helped establish what is known today as La Cosa Nostra or the American Mafia.

Charles “Lucky” Luciano, a Mafioso from Sicily, came to the U.S. during this era and is credited for making the American La Cosa Nostra what it is today. Luciano structured the La Cosa Nostra after the Sicilian Mafia. When Luciano was deported back to Italy in 1946 for operating a prostitution ring, he became a liaison between the Sicilian Mafia and La Cosa Nostra.

Sicilian Mafia (based in Sicily)
The Sicilian Mafia formed in the mid-1800s to unify the Sicilian peasants against their enemies. In Sicily, the word Mafia tends to mean “manly.” The Sicilian Mafia changed from a group of honorable Sicilian men to an organized criminal group in the 1920s.

In the 1950s, Sicily enjoyed a massive building boom. Taking advantage of the opportunity, the Sicilian Mafia gained control of the building contracts and made millions of dollars. Today, the Sicilian Mafia has evolved into an international organized crime group. Some experts estimate it is the second largest organization in Italy.

The Sicilian Mafia specializes in heroin trafficking, political corruption, and military arms trafficking—and is also known to engage in arson, frauds, counterfeiting, and other racketeering crimes. With an estimated 2,500 Sicilian Mafia affiliates it is the most powerful and most active Italian organized crime group in the U.S.

The Sicilian Mafia is infamous for its aggressive assaults on Italian law enforcement officials. In Sicily the term “Excellent Cadaver” is used to distinguish the assassination of prominent government officials from the common criminals and ordinary citizens killed by the Mafia. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire High-ranking victims include police commissioners, mayors, judges, police colonels and generals, and Parliament members.

On May 23, 1992, the Sicilian Mafia struck Italian law enforcement with a vengeance. At approximately 6 p.m., Italian Magistrate Giovanni Falcone, his wife, and three police body guards were killed by a massive bomb. Falcone was the director of Criminal Affairs in Rome. The bomb made a crater 30 feet in diameter in the road. The murders became known as the Capaci Massacre.

Less than two months later, on July 19, the Mafia struck Falcone’s newly named replacement, Judge Paolo Borsellino in Palermo, Sicily. Borsellino and five bodyguards were killed outside the apartment of Borsellino’s mother when a car packed with explosives was detonated by remote control.

Under Judge Falcone’s tenure the FBI and Italian law enforcement established a close working relationship aimed at dismantling Italian organized crime groups operating in both countries. That relationship has intensified since then.

Camorra or Neapolitan Mafia (based in Naples)
The word “Camorra” means gang. The Camorra first appeared in the mid-1800s in Naples, Italy, as a prison gang. Once released, members formed clans in the cities and continued to grow in power. The Camorra has more than 100 clans and approximately 7,000 members, making it the largest of the Italian organized crime groups.

In the 1970s, the Sicilian Mafia convinced the Camorra to convert their cigarette smuggling routes into drug smuggling routes with the Sicilian Mafia's assistance. Not all Camorra leaders agreed, leading to the Camorra Wars that cost 400 lives. Opponents of drug trafficking lost the war.

The Camorra made a fortune in reconstruction after an earthquake ravaged the Campania region in 1980. Now it specializes in cigarette smuggling and receives payoffs from other criminal groups for any cigarette traffic through Italy. The Camorra is also involved in money laundering, extortion, alien smuggling, robbery, blackmail, kidnapping, political corruption, and counterfeiting.

It is believed that nearly 200 Camorra affiliates reside in this country, many of whom arrived during the Camorra Wars.

’Ndrangheta or Calabrian Mafia (based in Calabria)
The word “’Ndrangheta” comes from the Greek meaning courage or loyalty. The ’Ndrangheta formed in the 1860s when a group of Sicilians was banished from the island by the Italian government. They settled in Calabria and formed small criminal groups.

There are about 160 ’Ndrangheta cells with roughly 6,000 members. They specialize in kidnapping and political corruption, but also engage in drug trafficking, murder, bombings, counterfeiting, gambling, frauds, thefts, labor racketeering, loansharking, and alien smuggling.

Cells are loosely connected family groups based on blood relationships and marriages. In the U.S., there are an estimated 100-200 members and associates, primarily in New York and Florida.

Sacra Corona Unita or United Sacred Crown (based in the Puglia region)
Law enforcement became aware of the Sacra Corona Unita in the late 1980s. Like other groups, it started as a prison gang. As its members were released, they settled in the Puglia region in Italy and continued to grow and form links with other Mafia groups. The Sacra Corona Unita is headquartered in Brindisi, located in the southeastern region of Puglia.

The Sacra Corona Unita consists of about 50 clans with approximately 2,000 members and specializes in smuggling cigarettes, drugs, arms, and people. It is also involved in money laundering, extortion, and political corruption. The organization collects payoffs from other criminal groups for landing rights on the southeast coast of Italy, a natural gateway for smuggling to and from post-Communist countries like Croatia, Yugoslavia, and Albania.

Very few Sacra Corona Unita members have been identified in the U.S., although some individuals in Illinois, Florida, and New York have links to the organization.

Organized Crime home

La Cosa Nostra
La Cosa Nostra is the foremost organized criminal threat to American society. Literally translated into English it means “this thing of ours.” It is a nationwide alliance of criminals—linked by blood ties or through conspiracy—dedicated to pursuing crime and protecting its members.

La Cosa Nostra, or the LCN as it is known by the FBI, consists of different “families” or groups that are generally arranged geographically and engaged in significant and organized racketeering activity. It is also known as the Mafia, a term used to describe other organized crime groups.

The LCN is most active in the New York metropolitan area, parts of New Jersey, Philadelphia, Detroit, Chicago, and New England. It has members in other major cities and is involved in international crimes.

History of La Cosa Nostra
Although La Cosa Nostra has its roots in Italian organized crime, it has been a separate organization for many years. Today, La Cosa Nostra cooperates in various criminal activities with different criminal groups that are headquartered in Italy.

Giuseppe Esposito was the first known Sicilian Mafia member to emigrate to the U.S. He and six other Sicilians fled to New York after murdering the chancellor and a vice chancellor of a Sicilian province and 11 wealthy landowners. He was arrested in New Orleans in 1881 and extradited to Italy.

New Orleans was also the site of the first major Mafia incident in this country. On October 15, 1890, New Orleans Police Superintendent David Hennessey was murdered execution-style. Hundreds of Sicilians were arrested, and 19 were eventually indicted for the murder. An acquittal generated rumors of widespread bribery and intimidated witnesses. Outraged citizens of New Orleans organized a lynch mob and killed 11 of the 19 defendants. Two were hanged, nine were shot, and the remaining eight escaped.

The American Mafia has evolved over the years as various gangs assumed—and lost—dominance over the years: the Black Hand gangs around 1900; the Five Points Gang in the 1910s and ‘20s in New York City; Al Capone’s Syndicate in Chicago in the 1920s. By the end of the ‘20s, two primary factions had emerged, leading to a war for control of organized crime in New York City.

The murder of faction leader Joseph Masseria brought an end to the gang warfare, and the two groups united to form the organization now dubbed La Cosa Nostra. It was not a peaceful beginning: Salvatore Maranzano, the first leader of La Cosa Nostra, was murdered within six months.

Charles “Lucky” Luciano became the new leader. Maranzano had established the La Cosa Nostra code of conduct, set up the “family” divisions and structure, and established procedures for resolving disputes. Luciano set up the “Commission” to rule all La Cosa Nostra activities. The Commission included bosses from six or seven families.

Luciano was deported back to Italy in 1946 based on his conviction for operating a prostitution ring. There, he became a liaison between the Sicilian Mafia and La Cosa Nostra.

Other Historical Highlights:

1951: A U.S. Senate committee led by Democrat Estes Kefauver of Tennessee determined that a “sinister criminal organization” known as the Mafia operated in this nation.

1957: The New York State Police uncovered a meeting of major LCN figures from around the country in the small upstate New York town of Apalachin. Many of the attendees were arrested. The event was the catalyst that changed the way law enforcement battles organized crime.

1963: Joseph Valachi became the first La Cosa Nostra member to provide a detailed looked inside the organization. Recruited by FBI agents, Valachi revealed to a U.S. Senate committee numerous secrets of the organization, including its name, structure, power bases, codes, swearing-in ceremony, and members of the organization.

Today, La Cosa Nostra is involved in a broad spectrum of illegal activities: murder, extortion, drug trafficking, corruption of public officials, gambling, infiltration of legitimate businesses, labor racketeering, loan sharking, prostitution, pornography, tax-fraud schemes, and stock manipulation schemes.

The Genovese Crime Family
Named after legendary boss Vito Genovese, the Genovese crime family was once considered the most powerful organized crime family in the nation. Members and their numerous associates engaged in drug trafficking, murder, assault, gambling, extortion, loansharking, labor racketeering, money laundering, arson, gasoline bootlegging, and infiltration of legitimate businesses.

Genovese family members are also involved in stock market manipulation and other illegal frauds and schemes as evidenced by the recent FBI investigation code named “Mobstocks.”

The Genovese crime family has its roots in the Italian criminal groups in New York controlled by Joseph Masseria in the 1920s. The family history is rife with murder, violence, and greed.

Early History—Masseria and Maranzano
Masseria sparked the so-called “Castellammarese War” in 1928 when he tried to gain control of organized crime across the country. The war ended in 1931 when Salvatore Maranzano conspired with Masseria’s top soldier, Charles “Lucky” Luciano, to have Masseria killed. Maranzano emerged as the most powerful Mafia boss in the nation, setting up five separate criminal groups in New York and calling himself “Boss of Bosses.”

Two of the most powerful La Cosa Nostra families—known today as the Genovese and Gambino families—emerged from Maranzano’s restructuring efforts. Maranzano named Luciano the first boss of what would later be known as the Genovese family. Luciano showed his appreciation less than five months later by sending five men dressed as police officers to Maranzano’s office to murder him.

Luciano, Costello, and Genovese
With Maranzano out of the way, Luciano become the most powerful Mafia boss in America and used his position to run La Cosa Nostra like a major corporation. He set up the LCN Commission, or ruling body, composed of seven bosses, and divided the different rackets among the families.

In 1936, Luciano was sentenced to 30 to 50 years in prison. Ten years later, he was released from prison and deported to Italy, never to return. When he was convicted, Frank Costello became acting boss because Genovese—then just an underboss—had fled to Italy to avoid a murder charge. His return to the states was cleared when a key witness against him was poisoned and the charges were dropped.

Costello led the family for approximately 20 years until May of 1957 when Genovese took control by sending soldier Vincent “the Chin” Gigante to murder him. Costello survived the attack but relinquished control of the family to Genovese. Attempted murder charges against Gigante were dismissed when Costello refused to identify him as the shooter.

In 1959, it was Genovese’s turn to go to prison following a conviction of conspiracy to violate narcotics laws. He received a 15-year sentence but continued to run the family through his underlings from his prison cell in Atlanta, Georgia.

Valachi Sings—and Lombardo Leads
About this time, Joseph Valachi, a “made man,” was sent to the same prison as Genovese on a narcotics conviction. Labeled an informer, Valachi survived three attempts on his life behind bars. Still in prison in 1962, he killed a man he thought Genovese had sent to kill him. He was sentenced to life for the murder.

The sentencing was a turning point for Valachi, who decided to cooperate with the U.S. government. On September 27, 1963, he appeared before the U.S. Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations and testified that he was a member of a secret criminal society in the U.S. known as La Cosa Nostra.

In 1969, several years after Valachi began cooperating with the FBI, Vito Genovese died in his prison cell. By then the Genovese family was under the control of Philip “Benny Squint” Lombardo. Unlike the bosses before him, Lombardo preferred to rule behind his underboss. His first, Thomas Eboli, was murdered in 1972. Lombardo promoted Frank “Funzi” Tieri, and later Anthony “Fat Tony” Salerno as his front men.

Throughout the 1980s, the Genovese family hierarchy went through several changes. Tieri, recognized on the street as the Genovese family boss in the late 1970s, was convicted for operating a criminal organization through a pattern of racketeering that included murder and extortion.

Salerno then fronted as boss until he had stroke in 1981. In 1985, Salerno and the bosses of the other four New York families were convicted for operating a criminal enterprise—the LCN Commission. Lombardo, his two captains in prison and his health failing, turned full control of the Genovese family over to Gigante—the man who tried to kill Costello 30 years earlier.

Fish on the Hook
In 1986, a second member turned against the Genovese family when Vincent “Fish” Cafaro, a soldier and right-hand-man to Anthony Salerno, decided to cooperate with the FBI and testify. According to Cafaro’s sworn statement, Gigante ran the family from behind the scenes while pretending to be mentally ill. Cafaro said this behavior helped further insulate Gigante from authorities while he ran the Genovese family’s criminal activities.

Gigante’s odd behavior and mumbling while he walked around New York’s East Village in a bathrobe earned him the nickname “the Odd Father.” After an FBI investigation, Gigante was convicted of racketeering and murder conspiracy in December 1997 and sentenced to 12 years. Another FBI investigation led to his indictment on January 17, 2002, accusing him of continuing to run the Genovese family from prison. He pled guilty to obstruction of justice in 2003.

Gigante died in prison in December 2005 in the same federal hospital where Gambino family leader John Gotti had died in 2002.

Organized Crime home


The Pantheon Project and the Italian American Working Group

Over the years, FBI investigations have revealed how organized criminal groups have proliferated and impacted much of the world. Partnerships with foreign law enforcement agencies are essential to combat global organized crime groups.

The Pantheon Project was developed to improve cooperation between Italy and the U.S. in fighting Italian organized crime. Through the project, two FBI investigators are detailed to the headquarters of the Italian National Police, while the FBI hosts two Italian officers. The investigators work side-by-side with host agents and other law enforcement officials to help investigate the Sicilian mafia and La Cosa Nostra. They also work on Albanian organized crime.

Italian American Working Group
The FBI takes part in the Italian American Working Group, which meets every year. The group addresses organized crime, cyber crime, money laundering, international terrorism, illegal immigration, cooperating witnesses, drug smuggling, art theft, extradition matters, and cigarette smuggling. The U.S. and Italy take turns hosting the meetings.

Organized Crime home


Labor Racketeering

Labor racketeering is the domination, manipulation, and control of a labor movement in order to affect related businesses and industries. It can lead to the denial of workers’ rights and inflicts an economic loss on the workers, business, industry, insurer, or consumer.

The historical involvement of La Cosa Nostra in labor racketeering has been thoroughly documented:

* More than one-third of the 58 members arrested in 1957 at the Apalachin conference in New York listed their employment as “labor” or “labor-management relations.”
* Three major U.S. Senate investigations have documented La Cosa Nostra’s involvement in labor racketeering. One of these, the McClellan Committee, in the late-1950s, found systemic racketeering in both the International Brotherhood of Teamsters and the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees International Union.
* In 1986, the President’s Council on Organized Crime reported that five major unions—including the Teamsters and the Laborers International Union of North America—were dominated by organized crime.
* In the early 1980s, former Gambino Family Boss Paul Castellano was overheard saying, “Our job is to run the unions.”

Labor racketeering has become one of La Cosa Nostra’s fundamental sources of profit, national power, and influence.

FBI investigations over the years have clearly demonstrated that labor racketeering costs the American public millions of dollars each year through increased labor costs that are eventually passed on to consumers.

Labor unions provide a rich source for organized criminal groups to exploit: their pension, welfare, and health funds. There are approximately 75,000 union locals in the U.S., and many of them maintain their own benefit funds. In the mid-1980s, the Teamsters controlled more than 1,000 funds with total assets of more than $9 billion.

Labor racketeers attempt to control health, welfare, and pension plans by offering “sweetheart” contracts, peaceful labor relations, and relaxed work rules to companies, or by rigging union elections.

Labor law violations occur primarily in large cities with both a strong industrial base and strong labor unions, like New York, Buffalo, Chicago, Cleveland, Detroit, and Philadelphia. These cities also have a large presence of organized crime figures.

We have several investigative techniques to root out labor law violations: electronic surveillance, undercover operations, confidential sources, and victim interviews. We also have numerous criminal and civil statutes to use at our disposal, primarily through the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organization (RICO) Statute.

The civil provisions of the RICO statute have proven to be very powerful weapons, especially the consent decrees. They are often more productive because they attack the entire corrupt entity instead of imprisoning individuals, who can easily be replaced with other organized crime members or associates.

Consent decrees are most effective when there is long-term, systemic corruption at virtually every level of a labor union by criminal organizations. A civil RICO complaint and subsequent consent decree can restore democracy to a corrupt union by imposing civil remedies designed to eliminate such corruption and deter its re-emergence. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

The Teamsters are the best example of how efficiently the civil RICO process can be used. For decades, the Teamsters has been substantially controlled by La Cosa Nostra. In recent years, four of eight Teamster presidents were indicted, yet the union continued to be controlled by organized crime elements. The government has been fairly successful at removing the extensive criminal influence from this 1.4 million-member union by using the civil process.

We work closely with the Office of Labor Racketeering in the Department of Labor and with the U.S. Attorneys' offices in investigating violations of labor law.

Organized Crime home
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396. Progress of the Russo‑German War (October 1941)



Tokyo by October 24, 1941 had received detailed Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire information on the Russian‑German situation from its representatives in Helsinki and Bucharest.



a. Report from Finland



The Helsinki Minister, Tadashi Sakaya, reported on the Finnish role being played in the conflict, saying that Finland had set out to regain that territory which had been seized by Russia and that its objectives in its recent attack on the Soviet were, first, to regain lost territory and, secondly, to make secure its own defenses. In the Karelian area, the Finnish army had already passed the old border line by October 24 and had invaded Russia while at the present time, it was cooperating with Germany in surrounding Leningrad. The Finnish forces had



[867] IV, 720.

[868] IV, 721.

[869] IV, 722‑724.

[870] IV, 725.



192



THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR



also cut the Murmansk railway and were assisting in the invasion of the Kola peninsula. Southern Hanko, which remained in Russian hands, would probably be the subject of a compromise since further pursuit of this territory would only result in further sacrifices.

Although Finland had hoped to abandon her assistance to Germany after the fall of Leningrad and Kronstadt, it was now necessary to assist Germany in the struggle for the Kola Peninsula. However, not desiring to inherit Germany's further difficulties, it was thought by the Japanese Minister in Helsinki, that Finland would soon quietly retire from the struggle. According to Minister Sakaya, as far as Finland was concerned, all that now remained was the accomplishment of a few compromises to be followed by reconstruction work. [871]



b. Report from Roumania



From Bucharest, Roumania, came additional information on the war situation which stated that in the attack on Odessa, the Roumanian army's losses had been smaller than previously reported by the Russian propaganda office. In view of the fact that the Roumanian army lacked large guns and possessed only a few flame throwers in comparison to the mechanized forces of the Soviet, it was only natural that they should try to avoid a direct encounter. In the battle around the north coast of the Black Sea the Roumanian and Hungarian armies fought diligently for several reasons. By cooperating with the Germans they were not only assisting in the oppression and annihilation of Bolshevism, but also attempting to gain for themselves favor in the eyes of the German war lords who would be in a position to arbitrate in their behalf on such questions as the Transylvania border line. [872]

In Bessarabia it was noted that the Russians were carrying out their scorched earth policy to a great extent, but the amount of damage in the Ukraine appeared to be unexpectedly small. Probably the Russians did not have either enough explosives or sufficient time to fire the regions.

The political situation within Roumania was also reported on by the Japanese Minister who acknowledged that there were still those within the country who, having been in power under the old order, were sincerely desirous of an English‑American victory. However, the majority were confident of German success over Russia and firmly believed that by the following summer, the whole question would be settled since Germany would employ her air force and submarines in an attack on England. Many were of the opinion that a direct war between the United States and the Axis was in the offering, in which case the United States would be chased from the European continent. According to the Minister, all Americans in Hungary, Bulgaria and Roumania had already been confidentially advised by their diplomatic offices to evacuate. Newspapers had become unreserved in their comments against American and English citizens. These same anti‑American groups considered that all lend‑lease and British aid was of little importance in the settling of the all‑over conflict; and they were showing contempt for the American and British coquetry in favoring Bolshevism. Since Roumania was a particularly religious country, it was not favorably impressed by the United States' outward policy of protecting "religion, humanitarianism and justice," and at the same time carrying on friendly relations with communistic Russia. Roumania, which considered itself maltreated by the Soviet Union, was gradually growing more confident and fond of Germany, a feeling which the Japanese Minister believed to be quite spontaneous. [873]



397. Tokyo Relays a Summary of Diplomatic Relations as Advanced by Germany



In a circular letter addressed to Hsinking, Peking, Nanking and Shanghai Foreign Minister Togo relayed in its entirety a message sent to him by Ambassador Oshima on October 16, 1941.



[871] IV, 726‑727.

[872] IV, 728.

[873] IV, 729.



193



According to Ambassador Oshima a specially appointed delegate from Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop informed him that after the fall of Moscow, the German forces would continue the campaign in the Caucasus throughout the winter. The sweeping plans of the German army included an invasion of the Near East, including Syria, Iraq and Iran. Although the eastern Mediterranean would be cleared of all British influence, the battle of Africa would have to be postponed temporarily because of Great Britain's present strength in that area.

Improved conditions between Germany and Turkey were reported by Ambassador Oshima. The German objective in Turkey was to induce Ankaran participation in the Three‑Power Pact, and a recently concluded commercial pact between the two countries was paving the way. Insomuch as Turkey had long hated Italy, it would be a tremendous diplomatic victory for Germany should she succeed in these negotiations.

Germany needed the help of France and Spain if it were to combat English influence in the western Mediterranean; and Ambassador Oshima pointed out German progress in regard to this. Germany had made her Consul‑General in Vichy a Minister and France was expected to send a diplomatic representative to Berlin thereby establishing better relations between those two countries. The general outlines of a peace treaty between Germany and France had already been worked out although a few points would require additional negotiation. Once the German‑French relations were firmly established, Spain would undoubtedly prove no barrier.

The German representative had informed Ambassador Oshima that a compromise peace between England and Germany was out of the question despite the present peace rumors. However, it was possible that peace terms would be offered Great Britain after the termination of the Russo‑German war. [874]



398. Asama Maru Departure is Delayed Because of Unsuitable Routing



The Asama Maru, which had been scheduled to depart from Tokyo at the beginning of October, [875] was, on October 21, still in port and preparing to sail about the first of November. There had been some dispute about the route which the Japanese merchant vessel would take in that Germany had specified an area which the ship's captain believed would take it into the combat zone. Therefore, Tokyo asked that Ambassador Oshima check with the German authorities to see why they felt that the previously scheduled route for the Asama Maru, which also had been taken safely by the Suwa Maru and the Fushimi Maru, would be unsatisfactory to Germany and why they had prepared an obviously dangerous course. [876]

In reply on October 25, 1941 Ambassador Oshima advanced his opinion that the German course had referred chiefly to waters adjacent to England, but as far as changing the route was concerned, it was still a matter for negotiations and the Ambassador believed that Germany was approachable on the matter. He asked that a definite request be decided upon in Tokyo so that he might present it to German officials. [877]

Minister Kiyoshi Tsutsui in Bucharest suggested to the Senior Adjutant of the War Office in Tokyo that some of the Poles who had been working on anti‑Russian espionage in Roumania be sent to Japan aboard the Asama Maru. These men, he certified, had Manchukuo passports; and the Kwantung representatives were in favor of this action. [878]



[874] IV, 730‑731.

[875] IV, 732.

[876] IV, 733.

[877] IV, 734.

[878] IV, 735.



194



THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR



Aboard the Asama Maru had been stowed German‑Russian war pictures as well as fifty or sixty reels of cultural film sent by the German Foreign Office. Both the film association and the German Foreign Office was desirous of having these films transported as official baggage since it was believed that the British government would refuse to permit their transportation. [879] On October 27 Tokyo replied that there would be no objections to classifying the films as diplomatic baggage. [880]

By October 31, the Asama Maru still had not left port and newspaper reporters in Rome were beginning to feel that Japan was showing an indecisive attitude in delaying its departure. [881] Even by December 4 when it would have been timely to have shipped a cargo of decorations to Germany and Italy the Asama Maru remained at anchor. There seemed to be no prospect of her departure. [882]



399. Axis Powers Reacclaim the Anti‑Comintern Pact



Apparently the continuous discoveries of communistic plots throughout Europe and Asia at this time were alarming the Axis powers, which in culminating the Tripartite Pact had specifically stipulated a program of active aggression against the International. On October 25, 1941 Ambassador Eugene Ott had called upon Tokyo's East Asia Bureau Chief suggesting that the Axis powers promulgate a five‑year extension of the Anti‑Comintern Pact, stating that he had received orders to make this proposal from his home government. [883]

Ironically, on October 24 Tokyo had been forced to report that its judiciary officials had just arrested a German newspaperman, Wolfgang Sorge, connected with the Frankfurter Zeitung. He was accused of communistic activities in Japan. Sorge had personally been gathering intelligence for Ambassador Ott, who had expressed complete amazement and had demanded that he be allowed to talk privately with the accused correspondent. Foreign Minister Togo had then made an exception in view of the particularly friendly relations existing between Japan and Germany and had allowed the Ambassador to talk with Sorge in the presence of police officials. In relating this incident to Ambassador Oshima in Berlin, Foreign Minister Togo asked that the matter be considered in strictest secrecy. [884]

Regarding the proposal of October 25, Foreign Minister Togo addressed another dispatch to Ambassador Oshima on October 31, 1941, relating that he had told Ambassador Ott that the Japanese Imperial Government was in favor of convening a conference to extend the Anti-Comintern Pact. He officially instructed Ambassador Oshima to initiate negotiations with Germany concerning the text of such a proposal. [885] On November 4 Foreign Minister Togo advised Ambassador Oshima that Japan felt from a legal point of view that the secret appendix which had been attached to the previous Anti‑Comintern Pact [886] was no longer necessary and that Japan would attempt to secure an agreement of its Privy Councilors to abolish it. In addition, the Japanese Foreign Minister offered a suggestion that a distinction should be drawn between the original signatories and subsequent participants and also that the basic text of the protocol should be in three languages, Japanese, German, and English. [887]

In an attempt to secure as many participants as possible in the new protocol, Foreign Minister Togo directed a dispatch to Nanking on November 11 in which he stated that the Nanking



[879] IV, 736.

[880] IV, 737.

[881] IV, 738.

[882] IV, 739.

[883] IV, 740.

[884] IV, 741.

[885] IV, 742.

[886] IV, 743.

[887] IV, 744.



195



Foreign Minister, Tateki Horiuchi, had applied to Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop for admission to the group of signatories. Foreign Minister Togo outlined the form of the telegram which had been sent to von Ribbentrop. The negotiations which the Tokyo Foreign Office was holding with the Nanking government in this regard were to be handled by Minister Shiniokura Hidaka. [888]

On November 11, 1941, an actual translation of the protocol was transmitted to Berlin from Tokyo which states in part:



The Imperial Japanese Government, the German Government and the Italian Government together with the Hungarian Government Imperial Manchurian Government and the Spanish Government, recognizing that the protocol signed by the above governments is a most effective means of combating the activities of the Communist "International" and believing that the Common interests of the above governments are best served by close cooperation between them do hereby agree to extend the effective period of the said protocol. For this purpose the following stipulations are agreed upon. [889] Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire



Also on November 11, Foreign Minister Togo wired the exact message which he expected Ambassador Oshima to give the German government with respect to Japanese cooperation. In this document, the Japanese government had declared itself to be in complete accord with the German government in respect to extending the validity of the first Anti‑Comintern Pact of November 25, 1936. Japan had taken the position that Article 5 of the Tripartite Pact, which stated:



Japan, Germany, and Italy affirm that the aforesaid terms do not in any way affect the political status which exists at present as between each of the three contracting parties and the Soviet Russia,



superseded this second supplement which the Imperial government desired be nullified. [890]

With respect to the supplementary signatories, German Ambassador Ott had called upon Foreign Minister Togo in Tokyo to request the concurrence of the Japanese government in the inclusion of Roumania, Bulgaria, Finland, Denmark, Slovakia, and Croatia in an expanded Anti‑Comintern Pact. The Foreign Minister approved and advised that he would instruct the Roumanian, Bulgarian, and Finnish Ministers in Tokyo to contact the German and Italian Ministers regarding their inclusion in the pact. Only in the cases of Denmark, Slovakia, and Croatia did Japan feel that the concurrence of the three Tripartite powers would be sufficient to include them in the pact. [891]

Naturally there were many minor details which threatened to delay the final signing. On November 12, 1941, Ambassador Oshima, having already transmitted the text of the protocol, requested that any objections to portions of it be wired immediately. Ambassador Oshima advised that he had already changed the expressions, "The Hungarian Government" and also the expression the "Italian Government" to read "All European Governments" and had changed "The Japanese Government" to read "The Great Imperial Japanese Government". [892]

By November 13, seven governments had expressed their desire to sign the new protocol on November 25, 1941. Tokyo, in a dispatch to Hsingking, revealed that the Japanese and German text had already been completed but that the official Italian text had not yet been received. At that time Tokyo advised that certain minor alterations were being made in the text. [893] Foreign Minister Togo requested that Minister Yoshijiro Umezu in Hsingking establish contact with the Manchurian Minister in Germany, Lu Yi‑wen, and instruct him to handle the final signature. [894]



[888] IV, 745‑746.

[889] IV, 747.

[890] IV, 748.

[891] IV, 749.

[892] IV, 750.

[893] IV, 751.

[894] IV, 752.



196



THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR



After the Minister in Hsingking had received the official text from Tokyo, he immediately instructed the Japanese Ambassador in Berlin to advise the Manchurian Minister there as to the proper steps to be taken in signing the protocol. [895]

In order to satisfy the Manchurian government, Tokyo asked that Ambassador Oshima advise the German officials that Manchuria would like to have "The 8th year of Kotoku" [896] inserted in the text. In this regard, Japan felt, too, that Spain would also desire to have the date of its new era inserted. He asked that a revision be made immediately. However, it appeared that the German government was anxious to have negotiations completed and advised Tokyo accordingly. In reply, Foreign Minister Togo acknowledged that it might be possible to encourage the Manchurian government to withdraw its insistence upon a revision of the text. [897]

On November 15, Foreign Minister Togo attempted to explain to the Manchurian government that he had proposed to the German Foreign Minister that the phrase "The 8th year of Kotoku" be inserted in the protocol, the Spanish government had then requested that a Spanish text of the treaty be prepared. As Manchuria could plainly see, due to shortness of time, it would be impossible to satisfy both Spain and Manchuria although the Germans were fully appreciative of their viewpoints. Foreign Minister Togo then explained to the Manchurian government that if the Japanese and Manchurian governments pressed the matter of saving face for all countries which expected to participate, the settlement of the problem would be delayed. During such a long pause Germany's proposal to Spain might fall through and severe repercussions would follow. [898]

On November 13 Ambassador Oshima advised his home office that Germany desired to keep the negotiations involving the participation of the various countries in the pact secret until November 25, when it was believed that a surprise announcement would be of great propaganda value. On the other hand, it was believed that if the matter should leak out from either the Japanese or Chinese side before then, it would be most awkward. [899]

By November 14 Ambassador Oshima revealed that Roumania, Bulgaria, Slovakia, and Croatia, according to German sources, were at last displaying a desire to join with the past signees. Finland's reply was to be expected within three days and Denmark would await Finland's decision. [900]

In reply, Foreign Minister Togo stated that he had not favored the entrance of any other nations in the negotiations but Germany's insistence had forced him to agree. The Japanese government of China would join with the others immediately. [901] Also on this day, Foreign Minister Togo notified Ambassador Oshima that he should submit the Foreign Minister's telegram empowering him to sign for the Japanese Empire. [902]

From Berlin on November 16, 1941, Ambassador Oshima related that the Assistant Undersecretary of Foreign Affairs had told Japanese Consul Shun‑ichi Kase, in Berlin, that the Spanish government had been pressed for a reply. By the night of the seventeenth, Germany expected an answer and was to notify Consul Kase immediately. [903]

By November 17, when the Nanking government still had not made its final arrangements, Foreign Minister Togo wired instructions that Ambassador Oshima should present to Nanking



[895] IV, 753.

[896] Also referred to as "The 9th year of KO".

[897] IV, 754‑756.

[898] IV, 757.

[899] IV, 758.

[900] IV, 759.

[901] IV, 760.

[902] IV, 761.

[903] IV, 762.



197



a joint statement from Japan, Germany, and Italy urging it to formally enter the negotiations. [904] Whereupon the statement "We wish to have the Nanking Government make formal application for inclusion in the pact. Please arrange for the application to reach Berlin during the 25th", was issued to Nanking. [905] Also on November 17, the Italian text was sent to Tokyo by Ambassador Oshima so that a comparison could be made with the German and Japanese texts. [906]

Hsingking wired Tokyo on November 21 that the exercise to be carried out on November 25 in honor of the signing of the protocol extending the Anti‑Comintern Pact had been fixed. They would include a special broadcast of greetings from the Minister of State and the German and Italian Ministers on the evening of the 25th and the morning edition of the 26th would carry the conversations between the Japanese Ambassador, the Minister of State and the Head Office. [907]

For some inexplicable reason the German government attempted on November 21 to postpone the date of signing the protocol to November 28, but when Ambassador Ott met with cold opposition from an anxious Japanese government whose Council had already stipulated in the original text that there could be no method of revising the text, [908] and when Ambassador Oshima in Berlin conveyed to the German Capitol these sentiments, [909] the German government under the guidance of Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop, retracted its suggestion and ordered that the signing would take place as it had been planned on November 25. [910]

Foreign Minister Togo notified officials in Nanking and Hsingking on November 21 that the consent of Manchukuo, Hungary and Spain had been secured in regard to the new protocol and that the necessary procedures within those countries was being pushed to enable the signing to be carried out in Berlin on November 25. He mentioned that Germany and Italy probably would produce a large‑scale propaganda effort tying in the Russo‑German war on that day but that Japan did not plan to publicize the extension of the pact more than to make a simple statement of fact. [911]

On November 22 the Axis nations had induced several nations to join with them in reaffirming the anti‑Comintern pact on November 25, 1941. Included in this group were China's peoples government, Roumania, Bulgaria, Slovakia, Croatia, and Finland with the possible addition of still doubtful Denmark. [912]

The ceremony attending the signing was to be held at 10:30 or 6 p.m. and would consist of speeches by Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop and representatives of all the participating powers. Those signing for their respective countries were to be Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop for Germany, Foreign Minister Galeazzo Ciano for Italy, Minister Ro‑Gi‑bun (Lu‑yi-wen) for Manchukuo and Foreign Minister De Ladislaus Bardossy for Hungary, in addition to Ambassador Oshima for Japan. According to Ambassador Oshima the visit of the Spanish Foreign Minister had not been scheduled as yet. [913]

In a dispatch on November 24 Ambassador Oshima confirmed the hour of 12:30 as the signing time, adding that the Hungarian, Manchurian, and Spanish representatives as well as himself would make speeches during the ceremony. He also confirmed the adherence of Den‑



[904] IV, 763.

[905] IV, 764.

[906] IV, 765.

[907] IV, 766.

[908] IV, 767.

[909] IV, 768.

[910] IV, 769.

[911] IV, 770.

[912] IV, 771.

[913] IV, 772.



198



THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR



mark and the attendance of the Spanish Foreign Minister. [914] The following day Denmark'. decision to participate in the signing was relayed to Hsingking by Foreign Minister Togo. [915]

Although it had been the ambition of both German and Japanese leaders to keep the proclamation a secret until such a time as its announcement would provoke the greatest propaganda throughout the world, it was inevitable that some leak would occur and Ambassador Oshima assured his home government that the error which occurred on November 22 was unavoidable although it was unfortunate that Germany through interviews with the Foreign Office Press Bureau had disclosed vital information which might be used by the enemy in counter propaganda. [916]

As soon as the ceremony had been completed Ambassador Oshima transmitted a memorandum to Tokyo and Hsingking relating the exact order of signing: Japan, Germany, Italy, Hungary, Manchukuo, and Spain, by Ambassador Hiroshi Oshima, Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop, Foreign Minister Ciano, Foreign Minister Bardussy Dlolaszio, Foreign Minister Lu i‑wen and Foreign Minister Ramon Serrano Suner. [917] Ambassador Oshima then proceeded to assure the Manchurian government that the method of signing had been as it had requested, and that all copies of the text were identical. [918]

On December 4, Ambassador Oshima confirmed the fact that Croatia had also acquiesced in the reacclaimed protocol opposing the Comintern. [919]

Ambassador Oshima informed the Home Office in Tokyo that on the morning of November 25 the exchange of official documents abolishing the secret auxiliary agreement of the first Anti‑Comintern Pact had been completed. However, he noted the German request that the existence of that sect agreement should be kept, secret, even though it had been cancelled. Ambassador Oshima said that notes had been exchanged to that effect. [920]



400. Halting of American Shipping at Manila Impedes Japanese‑German Trade



In spite of the fact that Japan had been attempting to dispatch additional merchant vessels to the United States and had been engaging in the proper negotiations, by November 4, 1941, arrangements still had not been completed. Apparently the American shipping service between North America and Shanghai had been cancelled at Manila making it impossible for returning Japanese to reach home from the European continent. [921] This move was viewed with much anxiety by Ambassador Oshima under pressure from businessmen in Berlin who were anxious that at least one ship a month should touch port in Germany from Japan regardless of whether a regular schedule could be maintained. Personally, the Ambassador was much concerned since only by this means could he be assured of a method of return to Japan. [922]



401. Progress of the Russo‑German War (November, 1941)



By the end of the first week in November, it was evident that Ambassador Saiburo Kurusu in Hong Kong would be undertaking a grave mission in order to solve what was called an "unprecedented crisis" and which would necessitate his complete understanding of the Russo-German situation. [923] Therefore, in order to assist the Ambassador, Minister Toshijiro Umetsu



[914] IV, 773.

[915] IV, 774.

[916] IV, 775.

[917] IV, 776.

[918] IV, 777.

[919] IV, 778.

[920] IV, 779.

[921] IV, 780.

[922] IV, 781.

[923] IV, 782.



199





in Hsingking wired his analysis of the outlook for the Russo‑German war to Hong Kong. In this resume he pointed out the similarity of the Soviet and Chinese problems.

a. Their territory is so vast that the government can flee anywhere.

b. The population is so numerous that the military forces have unlimited reserves.

c. The living standard is low, and the people are inured to suffering and privation.

d. They have the most skillful of leaders.

e. They have natural fortifications (for example, the Urals and the three provinces to the north).

f. The Russians are politically indoctrinated. [924]

It was Minister Umetsu's opinion that if the Germans did not halt their march after the fall of Moscow, the Russians could continue to resist and though Germany should occupy the whole territory west of the Urals, by the following spring, the Soviet Union would still control forty per cent of the whole resources, population and industry in the east. He believed that the foundations of the Stalin regime were so firmly entrenched that even if its striking power were lowered, one would be extremely foolhardy to depend upon its downfall within a very short time. Because of the evident possibility of Russia's holding out indefinitely, Germany would be handicapped and would be restrained from attacking England for some time and no early close of hostilities in Europe could be expected. [925]

On the same day, the Foreign Office in Tokyo advised Minister Umetsu of a resume which it had received from Budapest, Hungary. In the confidence of the Hungarian Foreign Office, Ambassador Mauturo Inoue had secured the information that, after the fall of Moscow, the Soviet government would be totally deported to the Urals, the productive power of which was at that time still unknown.

Intelligence reports divulged that Germany's next ambition would be a conquest of the Caucasus, Iran, and Iraq. In pursuit of this aim, it would attempt to cut off the petroleum supply of the British forces and then take over Syria and Egypt. Should the Nazis be successful herein, Turkey would have no alternative than to bow to the German will. [926]

With regard to the Ukraine, it was estimated that not more than twenty per cent of the industries had been destroyed and reconstruction work was already successfully underway. [927] The booty captured from Ukrainian armies offered a few minor disadvantages. It had been discovered that Soviet gasoline, untreated, would not propel Hungarian motor cars while Soviet machines likewise could not operate on the Hungarian type of gasoline. Nevertheless, despite such difficulties, the Hungarian army had managed to equip one mechanized brigade with Soviet arms and armament. Supplies from Galicia could be brought to Hungary although shipping problems prevented immediate use of resources in the Ukraine where the Germans appeared to be cultivating plants which would produce rubber substitutes.

Guerilla warfare in Serbia, on the other hand, was proving fierce. Rails between Nishi in southeastern Yugoslavia and Belgrade had been split in sixteen places. The Ukrainian Danube fleet was seen near Belgrade protecting navigation on the river.

With regard to the situation in the Balkans, the Ambassador at Budapest reported that this year's crops were about normal, but because of the war the agricultural situation in the Ukraine would not improve for another year or two.

The Ambassador also voiced an opinion regarding the possibility of the United States' entrance into the war, stating that should the allies secure bases in Scotland, the Azores and Northern Ireland, which it undoubtedly would, Germany would counteract by invading Portugal and attacking Gibraltar. [928]



[924] IV, 783.

[925] Ibid.

[926] IV, 730.

[927] IV, 784.

[928] IV, 785.



201



THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR



In response to Japan's request of October 29, 1941 [929] Ambassador Oshima informed the home government of Germany's success in governing occupied Russia. The Ambassador on November 10, transmitted the summary of the situation as he had been advised by a dependable German source. Accordingly, it was reported that Dr. Alfred Rosenberg, who had been designated by the German High Command to govern occupied Russia, was already in Riga administering the affairs of the three Baltic countries as well as portions of White Russia. Acting director Mr. Erich Koch, had taken office at Kiev on October 31, and these two men were carrying out the administration.

In these areas quite a few members of the intelligentsia remained but apparently were cooperating with the Reich in its administrative policy. These people appeared to be indigenous and were being used to best advantage by Koch and Rosenberg. Although the two German officials were pulling the strings, it had become the best policy to allow to the natives the actual positions of justices of the peace, judges and minor military officials in direct contact with the people. With the exception of the political gendarmes, the police were almost entirely made up of Russians. It was believed that the technical skill and knowledge of agriculture of the Germans were invaluable to them here.

In other sections, however, the so‑called intelligentsia had been disposed of and the people themselves appeared to be too helpless to act upon their own initiative and seemed to have lost all ambition. German leaders merely directed them in the "best possible manner". This type promised to be of no trouble whatsoever in the future. [930]

Germany had quickly diverted Soviet railways to its own use, and according to a speech by Chancellor Hitler, 5,000 of the 25,000 kilometres of captured railway had already been changed to the German gauge. Although a conspicuous part of German supplies and troops were being transported to the front lines by rail, trucks were also being used extensively. A supply road from Germany to the battlefields had already been completed. After the warfare along the Black Sea and the Baltic was successfully completed, Germany was expected to add ships to the present methods of transportation.

In Germany's attempts to uproot the Kolhoz system and to replace it with Nazi agricultural techniques it had become necessary to fight for the recognition of private ownership. Once this was accomplished, German leaders presumed that their methods would produce better results. [931]

In order to meet the shortage of labor on German farms and in its factories, Russian prisoners and foreign labor amounting to 2,500,000 and 3,000,000 respectively were being imported. Nineteen different countries were supplying foreign labor for the Hermann Goering factories while Russian prisoners were being used in the Rhine area. Although this did not fully compensate for the shortage of labor, it was estimated that approximately seventy or eighty per cent of the peacetime strength had been met. According to Ambassador Oshima, there was not the slightest sign of impoverishment though it was true that there was some scarcity of labor and materials. Industries in occupied Russia were being reorganized and the situation there was well under control. [932]

On November 11, 1941, the Foreign Office in Tokyo attempted to summarize the Russo-German situation for its officials in Washington, stressing the point that although the German march on Moscow made the possibility of its fall imminent, it would be a great mistake to conclude that the Stalin government would collapse immediately since so much assistance could be secured both from Russian territory east of the Volga and from America and Great Britain. The summary touched upon communistic uprisings and sabotage in German occupied countries and remarked that German police powers were dealing successfully with these factions.



[929] IV, 786.

[930] IV, 787.

[931] IV, 788.

[932] IV, 789.



201



Evidently the Japanese Foreign Office believed that although United States public opinion still prohibited nominal participation in the war by a) designating neutrality zones and issuing "shooting orders" for these areas, b) occupying Greenland and Iceland, c) attempting to nullify the neutrality act, and, d) arming its merchant vessels while at the same time e) attempting to secure military bases in Central and South America and abolish Axis influence in the Western Hemisphere, it was actually engaging in anti‑Axis activities. [933]

On November 11, 1941, in what he called a summary of his six‑months duty as an administrative official inspecting conditions in Germany, Kohel Muto addressed an Ode‑to‑Nazism to the Home Minister extolling the virtues of the New Order and the uncontended influence with which the Fuehrer led his German people. Any sign of discontent, he felt, was only a natural anxiety over the speedy conclusion of the war and in no way could be interpreted as a hint of conflict midst his unified people. Admitting that the food situation was falling short of normal times, he said it appeared far from a critical stage. According to Mr. Muto, a German downfall through lack of food would be impossible for several years to come. Shortage of labor, he explained, was being met by Russian war prisoners and foreign labor. Again he pointed to the high morale of those behind the fighting lines and the absence of any disturbances in either the large or small factories. [934]



402. Fresh Rumors of a Combined Europe Meeting Under Hitler Arise



It was not long until rumors began to circulate again about a conference of all the European nations which Chancellor Hitler supposedly had planned in order to give England and America a demonstration of his leadership throughout the continent. Ambassador Oshima divulged on November 11, 1941, that he had learned from a reliable source of Germany's plans to hold such a meeting in Vienna late in 1941 or early in the following year and to ask all neutral nations to participate in the conference. Vichy, Spain, and Finland had already signified their acquiescence, while Sweden, Switzerland, and Turkey appeared reluctant to participate.

Since England and America somehow had heard of these rumors, Ambassador Oshima was not at all certain that the congress would be held. He believed that at present Germany would not make any startling diplomatic moves since the Russo‑German war remained undecided. But upon the fall of Moscow, he confided that some diplomatic maneuver could be expected, particularly in regard to German‑French relations. [935]



403. Progress of the Russo‑German War (November 13‑14, 1941)



a. Report from Finland

On November 13, 1941, the Foreign Office in Tokyo relayed a summary of the Finnish situation as it had been reported by the Japanese Embassy in Helsinki. There, as in other sections of Europe, sharp reductions in exports and imports, scarcity of labor and an unexpectedly early winter had produced a critical food and clothing situation. Prices of all commodities had risen sharply to one hundred forty‑four per cent of the 1939 standard. These official quotations could not compare to the actual market prices which, because of bootleg transactions, had risen many times and promised to reach higher levels as the war continued.

Although anti‑Soviet sentiment among the people in the front lines was very strong, the unusually frugal living conditions and long expected British and American pressure might cause a breakdown in operations against the Russians. [936]



[933] IV, 790:

[934] IV, 791.

[935] IV, 792.

[936] IV, 793.



202



THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR



b. Report from Berlin

With regard to the actual progress of the German army in Russia, the Foreign Office transmitted a Berlin summary to Manchuria and its various headquarters in China on November 13. A primary obstacle to the German advance was, of course, the extremely cold weather. Although the German spearhead had already reached Rostov, because of the inability of successive detachments to advance at an equal rate, the city had not yet been taken. Along the line to Kerch the advance had been stalemated by mud. In preparation for the final offensive, powerful German detachments had been massed in the greatest concentration of the war along the line extending from Kalinin to Tula. Although the Soviet government had already transferred sixteen fresh regiments from the Far East in addition to fifteen other regiments and had added a citizens' army of 200,000, the Germans, were already superior in both number and quality and were expected to begin a rapid advance when weather conditions improved.

According to this German source, Stalin had asked that Great Britain land troops on French soil but it was believed that the Empire would merely promise to pound Germany from the air. These raids were doing little if any damage and were being used merely to furnish figures for propaganda purposes with regard to RAF activity. [937]

A later report, from a German of high reliability, revealed that on November 14 favorable weather had returned on the Russian front and major campaigns were resumed. The strategy called for an encirclement of Moscow rather than a frontal attack. This encirclement, if the current weather conditions prevailed for a week, should be completed in ten days. In accordance with a political press claim that Germany intended to split off the main cities of Moscow and Leningrad and follow with their destruction, such tactics would be pursued until final victory. Although it was expected that the Russians would hold out for a certain length of time, it did not alter the fact that the Russian campaign would be completed. This was also pointed out by the announcement that Hitler had appointed Dr. Alfred Rosenburg to the post of Minister for the eastern occupied area in preparation to setting up the political government.

In the southern section German forces were advancing southwest of Rostov toward a portion of the Caucasus lying north of the Caucasian mountain range. Since this was an extremely hazardous undertaking for severe winter weather, it was expected that the war would be carried on into the spring. [938]

The same German source which reported on November 14 advised a member of Ambassador Oshima's staff on November 21 that fresh infantry and artillery forces had crossed the border in the Tula area and after capturing the town, were forcing their way northeast.

Regarding the fact that the Germans had been anticipating a British counter attack in North Africa it was not believed, even though the British outnumbered them four to one, that their armies were as efficient as Nazi trained soldiers. Their only concern appeared to be that should the fighting become prolonged, the supply problem might become critical . [939]

Latest reports from the fighting front as relayed by Ambassador Oshima placed German forces twenty‑five kilometers north of Moscow and from the south as far as Ryazan on November 27. Although Russian troops were opposing vigorously, German spokesmen were confident of an ultimate victory at Moscow.

Likewise in the north African war, the report continued, German forces had overcome the impending crisis and, combined with Italian troops there, were well on their way to success under the leadership of Field Marshal Rommel. [940]



[937] IV, 794.

[938] IV, 795.

[939] IV, 796.

[940] IV, 797.



203



c. Report from Alexandrovsk

An Alexandrovsk intelligence report rebroadcast by Tokyo on November 13, revealed additional information concerning the Black Sea area. It appeared that armed soldiers, horses, and vehicles were being transported from Alexandrovsk to the opposite coast of the Black Sea while the populace was giving up clothing. Under the newly imposed bread rationing system workmen were allowed 600 grams and other civilians merely 300 grams. [941]



d. Report from Bulgaria

According to a message from Sofia, on November 14 the Germans in Serbia were being opposed by both the Nationalists Party, numbering around 10,000 occupying the mountains south of Belgrade, and the Communist Party numbering 20,000 scattered throughout the towns and cities in the interior and active on the Roumanian border. In order to combat these two factions two divisions of Marshal Sigmund Liszt's army, a detachment of Austrians, 30,000 armed Roumanians under General Milan Neditch, as well as complements of young men's associations and National Guards backed by German war lords, were operating. However, since the German army had encountered little experience in the art of partisan warfare, it appeared to be making slight progress against such opposition.

According to this dispatch, the craze for assassinating German soldiers still continued and members of the royal family and high officials of Serbia were in danger and were taking every precaution to avoid encountering these anti‑German factions. In an attempt to retaliate, Germany, on October 17, ordered the execution of 2,000 teachers, students, and others and again on November 3, 30,000 people were arrested at one time, including the education minister.

From private sources, the originator of the message from Sofia had learned that if the progress of its power politics continued, Germany would declare war on Serbia and enlist the backing of Bulgaria, Roumania, and Croatia. When this suggestion was made to the Bulgarian King, he politely refused to cooperate under such circumstances. The Serbian people, finding German oppression unbearable, were even considering the possibility of being annexed to Bulgaria.

With regard to the situation the Macedonia, Albania and Greece, there existed the same critical shortage of food and unless some relief measures were taken at once, national distress by winter would reach incomparable limits. [942]



404. Japanese Specialists Study German Industries



In order to gain first‑hand information with regard to the operation of industries within Germany, Japanese specialists under the direction of Ambassador Oshima, had organized to study and investigate the steel industry. All Japanese technicians were‑prepared to assist in the promulgation of a plan to operate in close liaison with German Officials and industrialists. A central office, known as the Berlin Branch of the Japanese Steel Production Control Association, was to be set up to work in close connection with the home office. Such an organization would require a staff of clerical and technical employees at an estimated cost of 15,000 yen, but in the opinion of Ambassador Oshima this promised to be an exceptionally profitable undertaking. [943]

In addition to a thorough Japanese study of the German steel industry, plans were continued for the Japanese to investigate many other manufacturing techniques and, in some cases, to buy either the equipment from Germany or the patent rights for the manufacture of that equip‑



[941] IV, 798.

[942] IV, 799.

[943] IV, 800.



204



THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR



ment. Three clerks, Yoshida, Hanaoka, and Kinoshita, were reported learning the method of manufacturing high grade lubricating oils at the RUAHEMI Company's plant on October 27. [944] Photographs of the 75 mm. powder chamber and cartridge case were received and additional plans were requested on October 28, 1941. [945]

Various articles for aerial warfare were believed obtainable from Germany according to a wire sent by a Japanese committee in Berlin on October 29. These included sighting apparatus for firing and bombing use, automatic bombsight, precision photometer, a 20 centimeter high angle continuous air camera, the KERUBIN flying oxygen respiratory apparatus, electrically heated flying clothes, the Askania automatic pilot device, wave length recording apparatus and testing devices. [946] The Japanese Air Service Headquarters replied on November 25, listing those articles which they wished to purchase outright from Germany. In addition they expressed a desire to buy the manufacturing rights to the Rheinmetall 13 mm. machine gun and to several other pieces of equipment. [947]

On November 10 the Japanese delegation in Berlin wired the War Office in Tokyo information concerning the ME‑210 and the plane which it was to replace, the ME‑110. Because of the ME‑210's speed and maneuverability the Japanese planned to develop a similar plane in cooperation with the Germans; this, however, would depend upon the plan's practicability after additional tests. To fulfill Japanese requirements a new type motor was suggested, possibly the DB 605 or the DB 611. The performance of the plane under these circumstances was estimated at 640 km. speed and a cruising range similar to a regular ME‑210. [948] The construction of the plane would vary in accordance with the different purposes to be fulfilled; e.g., interceptor, STUKA, or long‑range reconnaissance plane. [949] The construction time was estimated from 16 to 11 hours when in mass production. [950]

The Chief of the Technical Headquarters section in Germany wired its home office in Tokyo and the Ordnance Administration Headquarters there the results of a visit to the Mozeru [950a] factory. He had authorized this visit to enable the Japanese to learn methods of constructing rifle stocks from laminated materials. It was discovered that laminated stock materials consisted of beech boards about 1 millimeter thick put together with a glue material and that its weight in the finished rifle was 100 to 150 grams more than that of walnut; however, its advantages over walnut included being able to be dried by hot air in eight hours and a comparatively small degree of warping. [951]

Another committee wire from Berlin advised the Vice Minister of War on November 29 that the Japanese and Manchukuo cargo, which was to be loaded on blockade‑runner number 1, would be gradually increased to a gross tonnage of about 2700 tons. A small amount of this would be Swiss cargo. It was estimated that by December 15 all of the freight would have been assembled in Germany ready for transportation by special trains. [952]

The Illies Company [952a] would operate the transportation of the agricultural and industrial cargo for Germany and would assume responsibility for damage to the cargo. Only that cargo



[944] IV, 801.

[945] IV, 802.

[946] IV, 803-804.

[947] IV, 805.

[948] IV, 806.

[949] IV, 807.

[950] IV, 808

[950a] IV, Kana Spelling.

[951] IV, 809

[952] IV, 810.

[952a] Kana Spelling.



205



which was acceptable to the German Economic Ministry was to be shipped. The Illies Company had planned to advance the fees for storehouse expense and transportation by land and sea and would be reimbursed for this by the SHOWA Company. Only the SHOWA Commercial Company and the Manchukuoan authorities were to have disposal authority. Insurance rates, commission charges, and transportation expenses were discussed as well as the time for payment. [953] Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

The War Office of the Senior Adjutant in Tokyo requested that authorities in Berlin immediately send the two Universal Parallel Testing Machines previously ordered. This dispatch was dated December 7, 1941. [954]

An assumption is a proposition that is taken for granted, as if it were true based upon presupposition without preponderance of the facts.

In its original application, "nocebo" had a very specific meaning in the medical domains of pharmacology, and nosology, and etiology.

It was a subject-oriented adjective that was used to label the harmful, unpleasant, or undesirable reactions (or responses) that a subject manifested (thus, "nocebo reactions" or "nocebo responses") as a result of administering an inert dummy drug, where these responses had not been chemically generated, and were entirely due to the subject's pessimistic belief and expectation that the inert drug would produce harmful, injurious, unpleasant, or undesirable consequences. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire In these cases, there is no "real" drug involved, but the actual harmful, unpleasant or undesirable biochemical, physiological, behavioural, emotional, and/or cognitive consequences of the administration of the inert drug are very real.

Synopsis

With Kyle left behind, Cartman makes his way to FOX to get the Family Guy episode pulled, hoping to ultimately get rid of the show once and for all.
Full Recap

Some of the week’s previous events are recapped and then the announcer comes on to tell us the episode will not be seen tonight so that they can bring us the Terrance & Philip special “Mystery of the Lazy ‘J’ Ranch,” which features Mohammed, who’s been censored by CBC (Canadian Broadcasting Company). Later at CBC headquarters, Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Terrance and Philip raise a stink with the head of the network. They mention that Family Guy is supposed to be airing its Mohammed this very night, but the network head doubts it as he believes that someone is on their way right now to make sure the episode doesn’t air. In Hollywood, Cartman makes his way into FOX headquarters and demands to see the network president. The receptionist tells him to get in line behind another boy who is trying to get Family Guy pulled off the air all together. The boy looks and sounds like “Bart Simpson.” Kyle finds a truck stop, where he finds that everyone has their heads buried in the sand. They are following the idea started in a little town in Colorado that is sweeping the nation. The news covers the latest terrorist threats. The terrorists threaten immediate relation if the episode airs. Cartman convinces “Bart” that he is better suited to the job of getting Family Guy off the air for good. At the White House, the President makes a statement Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire that the episode is going to run uncensored. He says that he understands something about the Family Guy writing staff and that he knows they won’t be persuaded into changing their minds, even with the possibility of violence. The President reminds the reporters about the writer’s first amendment protection, something that appears to be a new concept to the journalists. Cartman gets his audience with the FOX executives and he sells them on the idea of pulling the episode. They offer to let him tell his story to the Family Guy writers and if he can scare them as well, perhaps the episode can be pulled after all. Kyle arrives at the studio and now he needs to find the head of the network. He encounters “Bart” doing a chalkboard gag on the side of a building saying “I HATE FAMILY GUY.” “Bart” directs Kyle to the main office where he knocks him unconscious.
At the Family Guy studios Cartman meets the writers, who turn out to be manatees. The manatees take idea balls from the right side of the tank over to the joke combine on the other side, where balls such as “laundry”, “date”, “winning”, “Mexico” and “Gary Coleman” come together to create the perfect Family Guy joke. Because the Mohammed idea ball was removed from their tank, the manatees refused to work. Cartman sees an example of this which gives him an idea for later, because he finds out that manatees are completely unmoved by terrorist threats. Cartman finds out that Kyle has arrived at the studio. Cartman implements his plan to remove some idea balls from the tank. Cartman thinks that he’s won, when he discovers that Kyle has escaped by giving “Bart” one of his “gay little speeches.” Kyle and Cartman start bitch-slapping each other across the studio lot and into office for King of the Hill.
The fight continues on back into the lot, until “Bart” brings the fight to a conclusion. Meanwhile, the network is preparing to jettison the episode. Despite Cartman wielding a gun, Kyle makes one of his “gay speeches” to the FOX president and he decides to allow the episode to air uncensored, which we are treated to with the exception that as the caption says… Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
In this shot, Mohammed hand a football helmet to Family Guy.
Comedy Central has refused to broadcast an image of Mohammed on their network.
The terrorists retaliate immediately with a cartoon about Americans and their “crappy ways.” The terrorists believe that their cartoon “was way funnier than Family Guy.”

Synopsis

A renegade player threatens the Massively Multiplayer Online game World of Warcraft® and the fate of the game lay in the hands of Cartman, Kyle, Stan and Kenny.
Full Recap

The boys are playing the MMORPG World of Warcraft® and his father notes that Stan’s been playing the game all weekend. While attempting to go on a quest, the boys encounter a character they had encountered the night before, a character kills them without remorse. The boys call the game’s help desk at Blizzard Entertainment®, where they promise to try to find the player and get him banned. The executives at the company realize that this player has reached a level that they thought was unreachable. Even their system administrators can’t kill this character and he grows stronger everyday. They realize that they’ve encountered a player that “absolutely has no life.” In a likely attempt to bond with his son, playing at his office, Randy tries his hand at the game but quickly gets killed by the renegade player. The 4th grade boys have gathered together and Cartman comes up with a plan for them to take out the renegade player. Clyde is initially against the idea, citing better things to do, but is coerced into it when Cartman calls him French. Butters even agrees to give up his “Hello Kitty Island Adventure” to join the others, but he joins the game using the same character as Cartman’s dwarf. The boys find the renegade player and engage him in battle. Stan is surprised when his father asks to join in battle. The renegade player easily kills them all and more than 5,000 other players in the region. The game’s execs realize that this could be the end of the World (of Warcraft).
With their World (of Warcraft) gone, the Stan, Kyle and Kenny go back to their normal life, until Cartman comes up with a plan to get them the experience points they need to take on the renegade player. It will only take them over seven weeks, 5 days, 13 hours and 20 minutes to do it, with 3 hours of sleep a night. In a montage to the title track to Paul Stanley’s new album “Live to Win” the boys raised their levels and weight. The execs at the game company take note of the boy’s effort and decide that these players might be worthy of getting “The Sword of 1,000 Truths.” They only hope that they can get the sword to the players before they begin their final battle. Back in Colorado our boys have gathered in Cartman’s basement to Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire begin their engagement of the renegade player.
The boys are doing their best, but they been in battle for 17 hours. The game execs arrive at Stan’s house looking to give him the sword. They apprise Randy of the situation. Meanwhile, Kyle has developed carpal tunnel. When Randy can’t find his son, the execs determine they just need to find a computer to give the boys the sword online, only neither of execs has an account, citing that they have lives. Randy tells them that he has an account, he is a “n00b” but he should be able to get them the sword. They race to find a computer that works. Randy hijacks a car. While the battle rages on, Cartman takes a moment to go number 2, with some assistance from his mother. Randy and the execs find a computer at Best Buy®. Randy takes the sword and finds his son and then he struggles to figure out to how to give him the sword. Stan gets the sword and Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire the renegade player kills his father. Stan uses the sword on the renegade and with some assistance from the other boys they finally kill the renegade. The other games players rejoice in their victory and now that the threat is over, the boys can finally play the game.

In the ancient world there were many memorable deaths. Attitudes towards death were probably as varied as they are today. Suicide was an accepted Stoic noble way out, which certainly seems preferable to some of the other horrible, violent deaths like the multiple-stabbing assassination of Caesar, crucifixion, and the pouring of molten metal down someone's throat. Among the more peaceful, but not literally Stoic (like that of Seneca), was that of Socrates. Although given the then equivalent of a lethal injection, a cup of poison hemlock, Socrates died giving comfort to those around him and asking that an odd personal debt be paid on his behalf. Jowett's translation of Plato's Apology tells what Socrates said to those friends who would very soon witness his death:

Now if death be of such a nature, I say that to die is gain; for eternity is then only a single night. But if death is the journey to another place, and there, as men say, all the dead abide, what good, O my friends and judges, can be greater than this? If indeed when the pilgrim arrives in the world below, he is delivered from the professors of justice in this world, and finds the true judges who are said to give judgment there, Minos and Rhadamanthus and Aeacus and Triptolemus, and other sons of God who were righteous in their own life, that pilgrimage will be worth making. What would not a man give if he might converse with Orpheus and Musaeus and Hesiod and Homer? Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire Nay, if this be true, let me die again and again.

We'd probably couple Socrates with Homer in that list.

Following his retirement from the IDF he became ambassador to the United States beginning in 1968, serving for five years. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire In this period the US became the major weapon supplier of Israel and in particular he managed to get the embargo on the http://Louis-j-sheehan.com F-4 Phantom fighter jets lifted. During the 1973 Yom Kippur war he served in no official capacity and in the elections held at the end of 1973 he was elected to the Knesset as a member of the Alignment. He was appointed Israeli Minister of Labour in March 1974 in Golda Meir's short-lived government. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire David (Hebrew: דָּוִד, Modern Dawid Tiberian dɔwið "beloved", Arabic: داود‎ Dāwud) was the second king of the united Kingdom of Israel according to the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament. He is depicted as a righteous king, although not without fault, as well as an acclaimed warrior, musician and poet (he is traditionally credited with the authorship of many of the Psalms). The narrative depicts him throughout his life as conflicted between his ruthless ambition and lusts, and his desire to serve God. The biblical chronology sets his life c.1037–970 BC, his reign over Judah c.1007–1000 BC, and his reign over the united Kingdom of Israel c.1000–970 BC.

The Book of Samuel is the primary source of information on his life and reign; there is little archaeological evidence to confirm the Bible's picture of David (although the Tel Dan stele suggests that a king named David founded a Judaean royal dynasty by the 9th-century BC), but his story has been of immense importance to subsequent Jewish and Christian culture.